Refugees, Mobilization, and Humanitarian Aid: Evidence from the Syrian Refugee Crisis in Lebanon

Published date01 May 2020
DOI10.1177/0022002719885176
Date01 May 2020
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Refugees, Mobilization,
and Humanitarian Aid:
Evidence from
the Syrian Refugee
Crisis in Lebanon
Daniel Masterson
1
and M. Christian Lehmann
2
Abstract
This article examines whether refugees are prime candidates for recruitment into
armed groups and whether humanitarian aid to refugees impacts their choice to
join armed groups. First, our original survey data of 1,358 Syrian households in
Lebanon provide evidence that mobilization among the refugee population is low
at baseline—the first empirical estimates of the magnitude of the rate of Syrian
refugees returning home to fight. Second, leveraging as-if random assignment
around a strict altitude cutoff for a United Nations cash transfer program for
Syrianrefugees,wefindlittleevidencethattheaidprogramhadalargeeffecton
mobilization. If anything, our estimates indicate a small decrease in mobilization.
Our results stand in contrast to published literature arguing that refugees are
prime candidates to join armed groups and humanitarian aid to refugees may
support armed groups and fuel recruitment.
Keywords
civil wars, foreign aid, rebellion, political economy
1
Immigration Policy Lab, Stanford University, CA, USA
2
Department of Economics, University of Brasilia, Brazil
Corresponding Author:
Daniel Masterson, Immigration Policy Lab, Stanford University, CA, USA.
Email: dmasters@stanford.edu
Journal of Conflict Resolution
2020, Vol. 64(5) 817-843
ªThe Author(s) 2019
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/0022002719885176
journals.sagepub.com/home/jcr
Refugees in particular exit the state because of a direct experience of persecution or
political violence and therefore have strong reasons to oppose the regime from which
they have fled. Although refugees are of course victims of violence, they are also prime
candidates for recruitment involvement in rebel factions.
Salehyan (2009, 40)
In this article, we examine the Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon to test whether
Syrian refugees were prime candidates for recruitment into armed groups and
whether humanitarian aid delivered to the refugees had the perverse effect of fueling
mobilization. The Syrian refugee crisis in Lebanon exhibits a vast majority of the
risk factors for refugee mobilization and aid worsening conflict presented by pub-
lished literature. In Lebanon, we find many of the country’s political and paramili-
tary groups directly or indirectly involved in Syria’s war, often split along
preexisting politicized ethnic divisions; resentment among the host population about
the refugee population; a central state with little capacity to limit mobilization; and
armed groups that regularly crossed porous borders between Lebanon and Syria,
operated near refugee populations, and could have captured humanitarian aid and
recruited refugees. Despite these risk factors, we do not find evidence of refugee
mobilization or that aid affected mobilization.
When and why refugees join armed groups is not simply a question of academic
concern. Over the past one hundred years, two world wars, numerous civil wars,
ethnic cleansing, and genocidal violence have forced millions of people to leave
their homes and communities in order to escape violence. As of June 2018, the
number of refugees worldwide totaled 25.4 million. If we include people forcibly
displaced within the borders of their home country, the number of displaced people
worldwide rises to 68.5 million. Understanding when refugees fight in armed groups
can shed light on the origins and evolution of conflict. It can also help in evaluating
strategies for responding to refugee crises, a central question for the international
community. The United Nations (UN) spends billions of dollars every year on
responses to refugee crises and the amount is increasing. Whether refugees are at
significant risk of joining armed groups, and whether humanitarian aid will make
conflict worse, has important implications for how policy makers should desi gn
responses to refugee crises.
Existing academic and journalistic work highlights cases of refugee crises
where refugees joined armed groups and where transnational insurgent groups
captured aid intended for refugees. Such capture increases groups’ operating bud-
get and capacity to recruit fighters. Furthermore, transna tional insurgent groups
may see the potential for profit from recruiting refugees who are well positioned to
help the group secure aid rents. If this is the case, then humanitarian aid that is
meant to alleviate the suffering of refugees may in fact increase refugee mobiliza-
tion into armed groups, strengthening those groups, prolonging refugee crises,
increasing violence in the home country, and increasing the risk of conflict spil-
lover into the refugee hosting country.
818 Journal of Conflict Resolution 64(5)

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