Reducing Medical Malpractice by Targeting Physicians Making Medical Malpractice Payments

Published date01 March 2007
AuthorSteven Garber,John L. Adams
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/j.1740-1461.2007.00087.x
Date01 March 2007
Reducing Medical Malpractice by
Targeting Physicians Making Medical
Malpractice Payments
John L. Adams and Steven Garber*
Some states use physicians’ histories of medical malpractice payments to try
to reduce the incidence of medical malpractice (and for other reasons). At
least two types of policies fall into this category: using payments to decide
which physicians will be investigated, and possibly sanctioned, by the state
medical board; and making information about individual physicians’
payment histories available to the public. Previous literature suggests that
such policies will not be very effective because the link between medical
malpractice and medical malpractice payments appears weak. Unlike pre-
vious researchers, we examine this issue directly and quantitatively. To do
so, we develop a micro-simulation model of the random processes deter-
mining medical outcomes, claiming rates, and payment rates, using infor-
mation from several strands of literature to calibrate its parameters. To
examine sensitivity of our predictions to changes in assumptions, we also
consider 14 alternative models. For each of the 15 cases, we simulate data
for a population of 100,000 physicians and analyze the simulated data. We
find that neither type of policy will substantially reduce the population rate
of malpractice and that the policy of publicizing payment histories could, in
principle, backfire.
*Address correspondence to Steven Garber, RAND M4E, 1776 Main St., Santa Monica, CA
90407; email: garber@rand.org. Adams is a Senior Statistician and Garber is a Senior Economist,
both at the RAND Corporation.
An earlier version of this article was presented at the RAND Institute for Civil Justice (ICJ) &
Journal of Empirical Legal Studies conference on Empirical Medical Malpractice Research, held in
Santa Monica, on March 11, 2006. We thank John Romley, David Studdert, other conference
participants, and an anonymous referee for helpful comments. The research was supported by
core funds of the ICJ. Conclusions and opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not
necessarily reflect the views of RAND, the ICJ, or their sponsors.
Journal of Empirical Legal Studies
Volume 4, Issue 1, 185–222, March 2007
©2007, Copyright RAND Corporation
Journal compilation ©2007, Cornell Law School and Blackwell Publisher, Inc.
185
I. Introduction
Injuries caused by medical errors are a major concern in the United States
(Kohn et al. 2000). A longstanding public policy aimed at reducing medical
injuries is imposing civil liability for damages associated with personal inju-
ries caused by “medical malpractice” or “medical negligence.” According to
legal doctrine, negligence in providing medical care (diagnosis, treatment,
etc.) is required to hold providers liable, and negligence is defined as failing
to meet a legally defined “standard of care.”1According to theories of
deterrence, physicians are induced to be more careful in providing care, and
thereby reduce medical errors and medical injuries, by the threat of financial
penalties2(as well as by embarrassment, inconvenience, lost reputation, etc.)
for failing to meet the standard of care.3
Hoping to reduce medical errors and injuries, some observers advocate
policies that rely on outcomes of the medical malpractice system to identify
physicians who may have unusually high rates of error and injury. Such
policies include using medical malpractice payment histories to select phy-
sicians for investigation and possible sanctions by state medical boards,
publicizing individual physicians’ medical malpractice histories so that con-
sumers may take this information into account in choosing physicians, and
charging physicians with more past payments higher premiums for medical
malpractice insurance (i.e., individual-level “experience rating”).
Research suggests, however, that the medical malpractice system and
policies targeting physicians who have made unusually high numbers of
payments may be largely ineffective in reducing medical errors and injuries.
This is because the medical malpractice system does not accurately identify
1Studdert et al. (2004:283) write: “The standard traditionally used to evaluate...negligence is
medical custom—the quality of care that would be expected of a reasonable practitioner in
similar circumstances. Custom is determined primarily through the testimony of experts in the
same field as the defendant, although some encapsulations of expert opinion, such as practice
guidelines, may also be used.”
2Virtually all physicians carry medical malpractice insurance, and almost all compensation
payments are made by insurers. For expositional convenience, however, we will refer to pay-
ments made “by physicians.”
3Mello and Brennan (2002), however, review the evidence of deterrent effects of medical
malpractice and other forms of tort and conclude that such evidence is weak, perhaps because
of the considerable methodological challenges of documenting deterrence effects that might
exist.
186 Adams and Garber
and extract compensation (or “indemnity”) payments from physicians who
injure patients through negligent care.
In this article, we consider two types of public policies that rely on
physicians’ histories of medical malpractice payments in the hope of reduc-
ing the population rates of medical errors and injuries. These policies are
(1) requiring state medical boards to investigate physicians making at least a
specified number of malpractice payments during a specified time period
and intervening for those physicians found to have unusually high rates of
negligent errors; and (2) making public (e.g., on state government websites)
information about individual physicians’ histories of medical malpractice
payments, which could steer patients away from physicians who have made
(one or more) such payments.
To predict the effects of these policies, we specify a model of the
random processes that generate medical errors and outcomes and deter-
mine which patients (or their survivors) receive indemnity payments. We
calibrate model parameters using estimated quantities reported in the
literature. Most of the information we use to calibrate the model comes
from studies of medical care delivered in hospital settings. Thus, our
results are best interpreted as applying only in that context, which appears
to account for a large proportion of medical malpractice claims and
payments.4
The next section provides an overview of literature providing indirect
evidence on the extent to which the incidence of medical malpractice pay-
ments provides reliable guidance concerning the incidence of medical
malpractice (i.e., substandard care that causes injury). Section III presents
our base-case model. Section IV explores implications of this model
and—to investigate the sensitivity of our results to changes in
assumptions—14 alternative models. The predicted effects of the two poli-
cies are presented and discussed in Section V. Section VI offers concluding
comments.
4For example, Rolph et al. (1991:2096) report that 83 percent of the claims in their
database—which includes claims made between 1977 and 1989 against obstetrician/
gynecologists, general surgeons, anesthesiologists, and radiologists—involved medical care
delivered in acute care hospitals. It appears that no data exist that are informative about the
proportions of medical errors, medical injuries, or negligent medical injuries that occur in
hospitals.
We know of no way to gauge the extent to which our results are informative for care
delivered outside of hospitals.
Reducing Malpractice by Targeting Physicians Making Malpractice Payments 187

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