READING PRISONS

DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1108/S1521-6136(2000)0000002012
Date20 December 2000
Published date20 December 2000
Pages191-231
AuthorBruce A. Arrigo,Christopher R. Williams
READING PRISONS: A METAPHORIC-
ORGANIZATIONAL APPROACH
Bruce A. Arrigo and Christopher R. Williams
ABSTRACT
Current research on prison organizations has not developed a compre-
hensive framework for how to interpret these complex networks. This is
surprising given that learning how to ‘read’ the behavior of correctional
facilities can have an enormous impact on program development and
policy formation. The present study endeavors to fill this gap in the
literature. The authors utilize Morgan’s (1997) organizational template on
metaphorical analysis and apply it to the configuration of modern prisons.
To facilitate this investigation, the authors rely upon an eclectic mix of
existing corrections literature to demonstrate how the particular metaphor
in question can be used to analyze the prison as an organization. This
perspective offers a more systematic explanation of how these metaphors
routinely shape correctional research, practice, and policy. Eight images
are identified and examined, including the prison as: (1) culture, (2)
organism, (3) brain, (4) instrument of domination, (5) political system, (6)
machine, (7) psychic confinement, and (8) flux and transformation. The
authors conclude by commenting on the viability of adopting the proposed
organizational model for future prison studies.
INTRODUCTION
Understanding how prisons behave requires a comprehensive examination of
the diversity of underlying operational practices which are present in most
Sociology of Crime, Law and Deviance, Volume 2, pages 191–231.
Copyright © 2000 by Elsevier Science Inc.
All rights of reproduction in any form reserved.
ISBN: 0-7623-0680-7
191
correctional facilities across the country. This analysis of ‘reading’ prison
organizations allows for an assessment of both strengths and weaknesses
existing within the system. Modifications based on such assessments are
fervently pursued by the public, government, and law enforcement, and are
necessary for the evolution of this complex network.
Identifying how decisions and relationships internal and external to the
prison are affected by confinement philosophy and practice is the first step in
the process. Organizational theory facilitates this process by suggesting the
method and means. The existing prison literature can further contribute to the
analysis by consolidating organizational principles with sociological, crimino-
logical, legal, and psychological perspectives. This collaboration fosters an
integrated and comprehensive understanding of organizational theory which
shapes the daily behaviors of correctional facilities.
Accordingly, the following analysis will attempt to examine the more
common practices and behaviors in the prison system from an organizational
perspective, informed by the traditional theoretical and applied prison
literature. The study will approach such behaviors in the context of eight
metaphors as outlined by Gareth Morgan (1997). The use of metaphor in
assessing organizational behavior enables us to appreciate more systematically
the prominent features of the prison milieu. Through metaphoric inquiry, we
are able to acknowledge a number of themes which present themselves in the
day-to-day operation of a prison. Though the metaphors are treated largely
independently for the purpose of this assessment, it is not difficult to
understand how correctional facilities assume properties of many of these eight
metaphors in practice.
On The Meaning of Metaphors in Organizations and Some Comments on
Method
Morgan (1997) establishes a template, or framework for addressing organiza-
tional issues through the use of metaphor (see also, e.g. Morgan, 1980, 1981,
1983, 1993, 1996). While the suitability and applicability of his model has not
been tested in the prison context, Morgan (1997: 3–8) contends that his model
is useful for understanding all managed networks. He concedes that the
selected metaphors are by no means exhaustive, though, they adequately
represent the broad range of ideas and perspectives that exist regarding
organizational theory and practice.
According to Morgan (1997: 8), the metaphor is ‘central to the way we read,
understand, and shape organizational life’. The use of metaphor establishes a
way of thinking” about and a “way of seeing” through our everyday
192 BRUCE A. ARRIGO
experiences (Ibid.: 4). In this context, metaphor implies a certain limited
perspective in which understanding unfolds. This is not so much a criticism of
metaphorical analysis as much as it is a recognition that the process both
reveals something quite unique about the world in which we live while, at the
same time, concealing several of its distinctive characteristics.
Central to Morgan’s (1980) analytic scheme is a conviction that it is possible
to uncover and interpret the core assumptions that ‘characterize and define any
given world view’ regarding the behavior of an organization (p. 607). Typically,
these core assumptions are situated within a paradigm (Kuhn, 1970) that
inform how reality is constructed for the organization or institution in question.
Morgan (1980) identifies four such paradigms: the functionalist; the inter-
pretive; the radical-humanist; and the radical-structuralist.1What is important
about these paradigms or world views in relation to Morgan’s theoretical
approach is that each one embodies certain precepts about the nature of science
and the nature of society (Burrell and Morgan, 1979). Moreover, each paradigm
is linked to favored metaphors in accord with preferred views of reality,
demonstrating how ‘puzzle solving’ activities in organizational analysis are
fundamentally a product of the social construction of scientific knowledge
(Morgan, 1980: 607).
Morgan’s conceptual scheme on paradigms is a framework or ‘blueprint’ for
metaphorical analysis. Where the individual paradigms represent preferred
ways of approaching and assessing a shared reality (e.g. the organization and
behavior of prisons), metaphor is the foundation upon which social inquiry in
organizational analysis unfolds. Metaphor is what makes the paradigm in use
concrete by giving it identifiable form (Ibid.: 610). Indeed, the naming of
‘concepts, ideas, facts, observations, etc., do not so much denote external
‘things’, as conceptions of things activated in the mind by a selective and
meaningful form of noticing the world which may be shared with others’
(Ibid.).
Methodologically, the application of metaphorical analysis to reading the
behavior of an organization (including the modern prison) entails a series of
intellectual steps. The approach begins by accepting the premise that metaphor
is a basic mode of symbolism and that all theory is constructed as a symbolic
form. In this regard, the use of metaphor in organizational analysis requires one
to interactively cross images (e.g. the prison as a machine; the prison as culture,
the prison as an organism); that is, to selectively create comparisons or
substitutions for the purpose of assessing how such linkages generate new
understandings or interpretations (Black, 1962). In this process of crossing
images, it is important that there be some degree of difference between the
subjects involved in the metaphorical process. This difference is important
193Reading Prisons: A Metaphoric-Organizational Approach

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