Rape Victim Advocates Experiences With Law Enforcement in the Emergency Room

DOI10.1177/1557085116687033
AuthorLaDonna M. Long
Date01 December 2018
Published date01 December 2018
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1557085116687033
Feminist Criminology
2018, Vol. 13(5) 498 –515
© The Author(s) 2017
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DOI: 10.1177/1557085116687033
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Article
Rape Victim Advocates
Experiences With Law
Enforcement in the
Emergency Room
LaDonna M. Long1
Abstract
One of the first people a sexual assault survivor will encounter in the emergency
room is a specially trained rape victim advocate. Along with rape victim advocates,
many survivors will come across law enforcement in the emergency room. This
study explores rape victim advocates perception of how survivors are treated in the
emergency room by law enforcement. Data from interviews with 23 female advocates
indicate a complex relationship that includes positive interactions with police as well
as victim blaming and a lack of knowledge about how sexual assault affects survivors.
Suggestions for future research are provided.
Keywords
qualitative research, rape, sexual assault, victimization, women
According to the National Violence Against Women Survey (NVAWS), one of every
six women in the United States has been raped at some point during her lifetime
(Tjaden & Thoennes, 2006). Many of the women who have been victimized will seek
support and assistance in the emergency room (ER) after a sexual assault. One of the
first people a sexual assault survivor will encounter in the ER is a specially trained
rape victim advocate. These advocates provide emotional support, crisis intervention,
and resources for victims of sexual assault (Carmody, 2006).
Along with rape victim advocates, many survivors will come across law enforce-
ment in the ER. During this encounter, they are asked to give their account of the
incident. Advocates often witness victims being treated poorly by police officers as
1Roosevelt University, Chicago, IL, USA
Corresponding Author:
LaDonna M. Long, Criminal Justice, Evelyn T. Stone College of Professional Studies, Roosevelt University,
430 S. Michigan Ave., Chicago, IL 60605, USA.
Email: llong@roosevelt.edu
687033FCXXXX10.1177/1557085116687033Feminist CriminologyLong
research-article2017
Long 499
their demeanor can appear to be insensitive and can cause further victimization (Maier,
2012). Prior research also shows that survivors often experience distress after contact
with law enforcement (Campbell, 2006, 2008). Referred to as secondary victimiza-
tion, law enforcement often revictimizes survivors due to their insensitivity, victim
blaming, or lack of communication (Maier, 2012; Payne & Thompson, 2006; Ullman,
2010).
Because of this interaction, oftentimes the roles of law enforcement and advocate
can be at odds (Martin, 2005; Payne & Thompson, 2006). The goal of rape victim
advocates is to follow the wishes of the survivor. Often, the survivor does not want to
make a report and does not want to talk with law enforcement (Alderden & Long,
2016; Maier, 2008; Payne & Thompson, 2006). In certain states, the hospital is man-
dated to notify law enforcement when a rape has been reported. However, survivors
who go to the hospital after a rape has occurred may not want to speak with the police.
This behavior is perceived as a lack of cooperation from police officers. Usually, sur-
vivors who want to report the assault are seeking to hold the offender accountable and
want to further the case through the justice system (Maier, 2014). In addition, law
enforcement may be suspicious of survivors’ stories and may be reluctant to gather
information for a case (Payne & Thompson, 2006). For example, police may be hesi-
tant to believe a survivor’s story if the survivor used alcohol or illegal drugs or delayed
reporting the incident (Maier, 2014; Spohn & Tellis, 2014).
Perceived insensitivity by law enforcement may be due to police officers’ lack of
awareness on issues related to sexual victimization as well as organizational concerns
such as a lack of clear policies as how police officers should respond to rape (Payne &
Thompson, 2006). This lack of awareness and/or training is especially important
because police officers are the gateway to opening a case that potentially could be
investigated by detectives and prosecutors (Maier, 2008), and their demeanor often
determines whether or not a victim will go forward with a case (Spohn & Tellis, 2014).
Furthermore, it is possible that police may not be aware of the emotional and psycho-
logical harm they inflict on survivors. Campbell’s (2005) study with formal support
providers (e.g., police, medical staff) and rape survivors found that police underesti-
mated the distress they inflicted on survivors. While police officers may see their
methods of interacting with survivors as standard protocol, the survivors see the inter-
action as brash, and not believing their account of the assault.
This research sought to understand the dynamics between law enforcement, rape
victim advocates, and survivors in the ER. Rape victim advocates provide support to
survivors in navigating the legal system and medical avenues available to them (Maier,
2008; Payne & Thompson, 2006). Advocates also work to empower survivors and
help them regain a sense of control (Maier, 2008). Not only do medical advocates
provide legal and medical guidance throughout the ER experience, they are also there
to make sure that survivors are treated fairly and protocol is done correctly, and to
provide comfort to the survivor (Martin, 2005). Using interviews with current rape
medical advocates at a rape advocacy center, the goal is to further knowledge on an
understudied topic, which is the experiences of advocates and their perception of sur-
vivors’ encounters with law enforcement.

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