Rallying Fiscal Patriotism: War Taxes in the Contemporary World

Published date01 July 2024
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00104140231194061
AuthorJakob Frizell
Date01 July 2024
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Comparative Political Studies
2024, Vol. 57(8) 1375–1405
© The Author(s) 2023
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/00104140231194061
journals.sagepub.com/home/cps
Rallying Fiscal
Patriotism: War Taxes in
the Contemporary
World
Jakob Frizell
1
Abstract
Constituting a central historical link between war and long-term f‌iscal ca-
pacity, war taxes are generally perceived to be a thing of the past. This article
corrects the picture by presenting new, global data on war taxes, 68 in total,
introduced between 1960 and 2020. Far from having been abandoned, war
taxes have remained a crucial war-time f‌iscal instrument, leaving long-term
imprints on tax systems across the contemporary world. Serving the twin
imperatives of revenue maximisation and generation of taxpayer consent, I
argue that the use of war taxes is conditioned by the relative intensity and the
perceived legitimacy of a war, be it civil or inter-state. The proposed logic
aligns with case evidence, further supported by macro-quantitative analysis.
The results speak to the large literature on war and state-building, challenge
the standard disintegrative view of civil wars, and provide new empirical
insights into the political economy of conf‌lict-affected countries.
Keywords
state-building, political economy, civil war, taxation, armed conf‌lict
1
University of Bremen, Bremen, Germany
Corresponding Author:
Jakob Frizell, University of Bremen, SOCIUM, Mary-Sommerville-Straße 7, Unicom Building,
Bremen 28359, Germany.
Email: jfrizell@uni-bremen.de
Data Availability Statement included at the end of the article
Exceptional taxes to pay for war were the seeds from which modern f‌iscal
states emerged. In the immediate, the choice to f‌inance wars and their as-
sociated costs with taxes has been lauded for placing popular checks on
belligerent governments (Smith, 1976 [1776], p. 926) and providing for a fair
sharing of war-time burdens (Keynes, 1940;Piketty, 2019, p. 518). Its dis-
appearance in the West is therefore deplored (Kreps, 2018); its apparent
absence in the rest of the world, merely aligning with the disintegrative nature
of contemporary conf‌licts (Herbst, 1990). Yet, as shown in this paper, war
taxes have in no way disappeared.
Indeed, newly collected data covering the totality of war-affected countries
between 1960 and 2020 indicate that war taxes –understood as distinct tax
instruments explicitly motivated by thecost of war or its direct consequences –
have continued to be a central mechanism for war-time revenue mobilisation
(Figure 1). But why and under what conditions do governments impose war
taxes?
Drawing on studies of Western war f‌inances and the political economy of
taxation, I will argue that war taxes have continued to answer to the twin war-
time imperatives of revenue generation and taxpayer consent. Accordingly,
they are introduced when (1) the stakes are so serious, and the resulting war
costs so high, that it necessitates a substantial increase in government re-
sources, and (2) when the war is deemed both necessary and legitimate by the
taxpayers. These basic conditions go a long way in explaining the prevalence
of war taxes in the contemporary world as a whole –as well as their relative
absence in the West.
Their pervasiveness, substantive revenue generation, and their often long-
term imprint on national tax systems –elaborated below –make war taxes
important to study in their own right. By adopting a comprehensive geo-
graphical perspective, the paper will further provide insights into the pro-
cesses that shape their emergence, and inversely the conditions that may
Figure 1. War taxes across the contemporary world.
1376 Comparative Political Studies 57(8)

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