Racial Variation in Mental Health Court Experiences and the Associations of These Experiences With Recidivism

AuthorWoojae Han,Jason Matejkowski,Sungkyu Lee
Published date01 July 2020
Date01 July 2020
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0093854820921886
Subject MatterArticles
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 2020, Vol. 47, No. 7, July 2020, 808 –828.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/0093854820921886
Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions
© 2020 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
808
RACIAL VARIATION IN MENTAL HEALTH
COURT EXPERIENCES AND THE ASSOCIATIONS
OF THESE EXPERIENCES WITH RECIDIVISM
WOOJAE HAN
Soongsil University
JASON MATEJKOWSKI
The University of Kansas
SUNGKYU LEE
Soongsil University
Little is known about how mental health court (MHC) experiences (including satisfaction and sanctioning, incentivizing, and
life change events) differ by race and how this variation affects recidivism among MHC participants. This study examined
how MHC experiences and recidivism differ between White (n = 170) and Black (n = 132) participants from four different
MHCs in the United Sates. Negative binomial regression models, conducted separately for the two groups, indicated that life
changes were associated with decreased arrests and that court sanctions were associated with increased number of arrests for
both White and Black participants. Higher program satisfaction was positively associated with recidivism among Black
participants only. To provide equitable services for people convicted of a crime with mental illness, professionals should
acknowledge racial variation in the experiences of MHC participants (both within the MHC and the communities in which
they are situated) and how these experiences relate to recidivism.
Keywords: mental health court; recidivism; criminal justice; racial variation
INTRODUCTION
The overrepresentation of people of color in the U.S. criminal justice system is well-
known (Alexander, 2012; Tonry, 2010). In addition to these disparities, overrepresentation
of people with mental illness in the criminal justice system is a long-standing problem
(Prins, 2014; Torrey et al., 2014). Research has demonstrated that mental health courts
(MHCs) can function to reduce recidivism and connect people with mental illness to treat-
ment (Honegger, 2015; Lowder et al., 2018; Sarteschi et al., 2011). However, there is a
dearth of research on how and for whom desired outcomes are brought about. In particular,
it is not yet clear whether racial disparities exist in MHCs similar to what is seen in other
AUTHORS’ NOTE: Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Sungkyu Lee, Associate
Professor, Graduate School of Social Welfare, Soongsil University, 369 Sangdo-Ro, Dongjak-Gu, Seoul 06978,
South Korea; e-mail: slee90@ssu.ac.kr
921886CJBXXX10.1177/0093854820921886Criminal Justice and BehaviorHan et al. / Racial Variation in MHC Experiences
research-article2020
Han et al. / RACIAL VARIATION IN MHC EXPERIENCES 809
parts of the justice system. In addition, little research has directly examined how variation
of MHC experiences by race affects future criminal behaviors of MHC participants. The
primary goal of this study is to examine how MHC experiences and outcomes differ by
race. The MHC experiences include program satisfaction, life changes after MHC enroll-
ment, and receipt of sanctions and incentives; recidivism is the outcome of interest.
MHCS
MHCs are specialized programs for defendants with mental illness that seek the adjudica-
tion of criminal charges and municipal code violations by using a problem-solving model.
MHCs divert people charged with a crime into the community to receive necessary treatment
and support services instead of incarceration (National Institute of Justice, n.d.). Although
these courts may differ somewhat in structure, objectives, and function by jurisdiction (Wolff
& Pogorzelski, 2005), the essential elements of MHCs include a screening process to deter-
mine who can participate in the program, multidisciplinary planning and administration from
dedicated personnel (e.g., judge, prosecutor, defense counsel, treatment providers), clear
terms of participation and informed choice to participate, and confidentiality safeguards. In
addition, MHCs aim to increase participants’ access to evidence-based treatments and ser-
vices, monitor participants’ adherence to court conditions, and employ sanctions and incen-
tives to promote adherence to these conditions (Thompson et al., 2007).
CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK
Figure 1 depicts the framework guiding our analyses. In summary, MHCs frequently
employ sanctions and incentives as a method of encouraging behaviors and engagement in
services that are aimed at initiating and sustaining positive life changes among their partici-
pants (Linhorst et al., 2010; Redlich et al., 2006). How and to what extent participants
experience these sanctioning, incentivizing, and life events will shape their perceptions of
satisfaction with the MHC (Canada & Watson, 2013; Redlich & Han, 2014). The extent to
which positive life changes are imparted will influence whether MHC participants return to
criminal behavior and incarceration (Han, 2019; Ward & Maruna, 2007). Importantly, these
processes are not immune to the personal and systemic biases that permeate American soci-
ety and that contribute to discrimination and to differential experiences based upon race/
ethnicity status (Bonilla-Silva, 1997). For example, implicit biases against people of color
may lead to dissimilar application of sanctions and incentives to MHC participants. This
unequal treatment can lead MHC participants who are people of color to develop lower
perceptions of satisfaction with the court and to receive fewer benefits from MHC participa-
tion (i.e., positive life changes) than White participants. Moreover, variation in recidivistic
outcomes that are played out largely in the community may also reflect the larger racial/
ethnic disparities seen in policing, law enforcement, and America’s court system (Brewer &
Heitzeg, 2008).
Racial and Ethnic Discrimination
Considerable disadvantage and hardship can be imposed upon others by persons who,
simply by their position in the bureaucratic structure, are allowed to exert wide discretion
in whether to unleash the force of the justice system on those identified as transgressing

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