Race in representative bureaucracy theory: A problematizing review

Published date01 November 2023
AuthorEiko Strader,Vernicia Griffie,Patrick C. Irelan,Leslie Y. Kwan,Emma Northcott,Sanjay K. Pandey
Date01 November 2023
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/puar.13640
RESEARCH ARTICLE
Race in representative bureaucracy theory: A problematizing
review
Eiko Strader | Vernicia Griffie | Patrick C. Irelan | Leslie Y. Kwan |
Emma Northcott | Sanjay K. Pandey
Trachtenberg School of Public Policy and Public
Administration, George Washington University,
Washington, DC, USA
Correspondence
Eiko Strader, Trachtenberg School of Public
Policy and Public Administration, George
Washington University, Washington,
DC 20052, USA.
Email: strader@gwu.edu
Abstract
This study is an epistemic reflexive examination of race in representative bureau-
cracy theory, responding to the criticism that its conceptualization has been nar-
row. To counter socially reinforced ways of thinking, we use a problematizing
review method to read broadly and selectively. Reviewing a sample of articles
published in public administration (immediate research domain); political science
(neighboring domain); sociology and Asian/cultural/ethnic studies (indirectly rele-
vant domains) between 2017 and 2021 and paying attention to social construc-
tionism, we examined how race and ethnicity are conceptualized. While the
articles in public administration focused on a binary conception of race, treating
differential outcomes as natural, articles sampled from other domains explained
how ethnoracial categories were constructed, highlighted the contextual nature of
differential outcomes, and engaged with the issue of racialization. To expand the
conception of race in public administration, we must explore the process in which
racial constructs became associated with unequal outcomes.
Evidence for Practice
The paradigm-bound nature of disciplinary knowledge makes it difficult to
reveal widespread assumptions and question normative arguments and
practices.
The problematizing review methodology, which is built on the ideal of reflexivity,
is a valuable alternative to conventional reviews that reinforce compartmentalized
thinking in a particular knowledge domain for scrutinizing taken-for-granted
terminologies.
Public administration scholars and practitioners need to question the use of race
as a causal explanatory factor and examine how racial constructs become associ-
ated with differential outcomes with the goal of unmasking underlying mecha-
nisms of inequality.
The theory of representative bureaucracy has achieved heg-
emonic status in public administration (Gooden, 2015;
Moloney et al., 2023; Portillo et al., 2022). The concept of
representative bureaucracy was put forward by Kingsley
(1944), who was concerned about the plutocratic nature of
the British Civil Service based on the disproportionately
high share of administrators closely identified with the his-
toric ruling class(148). Recognizing the power bureaucrats
wield in the creation and implementation of policy, he
argued for the recruitment of high-level public servants
from all social classes so that the goals of bureaucrats
reflect the views of their constituents (Kingsley, 1944). There
was no consensus as to whether representative bureau-
cracy was possible, but early work posited potential bene-
fits such as promoting equal opportunities, instilling a
sense of shared democratic values in the public sector, and
enhancing the legitimacy of the government (Lipset, 1950;
Long, 1952;Riper&Paul,1958). As scholarship evolved, var-
ious definitions of representation emerged (Lipsky, 1980;
Pitkin, 1967; Thompson, 1976) alongside a growing embrace
of representative bureaucracy as a framework for addressing
social inequality.
Earlier works such as Mosher (1968) included race as a
peripheral concern, but in response to the cultural shifts
Received: 27 June 2022 Revised: 27 February 2023 Accepted: 1 March 2023
DOI: 10.1111/puar.13640
Public Admin Rev. 2023;83:16871703. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/puar © 2023 American Society for Public Administration. 1687
spurred by the civil rights era, race began to garner atten-
tion among public administration scholars in the 1970s
(Bradbury & Kellough, 2008; Rosenbloom &
Kinnard, 1977). Despite the enduring interest in addres-
sing racial inequality over the last 50 years, critics argue
that most published studies on representative bureau-
cracy suffer from narrow conceptualization of race, over-
looking the ways in which whiteness, masculinity, and
coloniality predominate our thinking (Bhati, 2022; Bishu &
Kennedy, 2020; Moloney et al., 2023; Pandey et al., 2022;
Portillo et al., 2022). These diagnoses are not surprising
given the tendency among scholars to overexploit popu-
lar concepts by adding more and more vague and poorly
defined meanings to them(Alvesson & Blom, 2022,
p. 58), but there are some antidotes.
One approach to unpack hegemonic ways of thinking
is to purposefully seek out divergence and scrutinize
taken-for-granted terminologies (Alvesson & Blom, 2022).
Social constructionism and structuration theory assert that
the process of knowledge production is socially derived and
maintained (Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Giddens, 1984).
Hence, field-specific knowledge is always partial as
researchers become entrenched in the field and their prac-
tices are marred with collective unconscious biases
(Bourdieu, 2004; Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992; Harding, 1991;
Maton, 2003; Sweet, 2020). We use the problematizing
review methodology (Alvesson & Sandberg, 2020)toenact
epistemic reflexivity and interrogate hegemonic ideas and
terminology used to discuss racial inequality within the
framework of representative bureaucracy. A problematizing
review purposefully draws from the immediate,neighboring,
and indirectly relevant fields, but unlike systematic reviews, its
aim is to read selectively and carefully, look for alternative
perspectives, and engage in productive dissensus.
We learned that articles sampled from the immediate
domainpublic administration scholarship examining
racial inequality within the framework of representative
bureaucracyrelied on prevailing racial classification
schemes with little to no deliberation about the terminol-
ogy used to examine racialized disparities, treating racial
inequality as given. We observed a similar but less pro-
nounced tendency among the papers sampled from polit-
ical science (neighboring domain), while the modal
approach in sociology and Asian/cultural/ethnic studies
(indirectly relevant domains) was to acknowledge the pro-
cess of racialization, treating race and ethnicity as socially
constructed concepts that became dynamically associ-
ated with differential outcomes.
The rest of the paper is structured as follows. First, we
summarize the conceptualization of race in representative
bureaucracy theory. We then describe the methodological
steps we have taken to look for alternative conceptions of
race and counter socially reinforced ways of thinking, in
line with the aims and method of a problematizing
review. The notion that review authors are social actors
with the power to employ epistemic reflexivity is central
to our methodology. Going outside the immediate
domain, we draw from critiques made about the treat-
ment of race in social scientific research and describe
how we looked for ways to be attentive to sociohistorical
and comparative factors, hidden whiteness, and field-
specific assumptions underlying the narrow conceptuali-
zation of race. We close with a call for collective reflexivity
in public administration.
CONCEPTUALIZATION OF RACE IN
REPRESENTATIVE BUREAUCRACY THEORY
We begin with a brief overview of representative bureau-
cracy as an analytical framework, followed by a discussion
about its handling of race. As noted earlier, many trace
the beginning of representative bureaucracy theory to
Kingsley (1944), linking the economic and social hierar-
chies in England with the large presence of public admin-
istrators from elite social circles, whom he believed would
act in opposition to the interests of the greater popula-
tion. This way of thinking deviated from earlier research
that characterized bureaucrats as neutral actors whose
actions were unaffected by personal experiences and
values (Weber, 1958).
Over the next three decades, various formulations of
representation were put forward. Mosher (1968) distin-
guished passive and active representation, where the for-
mer refers to parity between the composition of
bureaucrats and the population they serve, and the latter
denotes the use of administrative positions to advance
the interests of the group they identify with. Mosher
(1968) was wary of active representation, but he argued
that adequate passive representation may signal a well-
functioning democracy. Representation thus holds sym-
bolic importance on perceptions of citizens toward public
institutions, though it also means competing subjective
interpretations of representation can arise (Pitkin, 1967).
Next was the consideration of street-level bureaucrats,
conjecturing that those who directly interact with the
public have greater levels of administrative discretion
than other bureaucrats (Lipsky, 1980), which in turn made
them an ideal group for testing the existence of active
representation (Thompson, 1976). Formulations of repre-
sentation have changed over the years, but interest in
representative bureaucracy theory and research had
remained steady.
Alongside these developments, some began to argue
that minority bureaucratsare more perceptive to minor-
ity group problemsand can address the needs of their
clientele groupbetter (Rosenbloom & Kinnard, 1977),
which ushered in the consideration of race within the
framework of representative bureaucracy (Bradbury &
Kellough, 2008). Prior to the 1990s, the bulk of studies
explored these ideas in the context of Blackand White
bureaucrats, but gradually the underrepresentation of
Latinobureaucrats also began to garner attention
(Meier, 1993).
1
As female and minoritized bureaucrats
1688 EXAMINATION OF RACE IN REPRESENTATIVE BUREAUCRACY THEORY

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