Race and Location: The Role Neighborhoods Play in Family Wealth and Well‐Being

Published date01 May 2018
AuthorHannah Thomas,Alexis Mann,Tatjana Meschede
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/ajes.12239
Date01 May 2018
Race and Location: The Role Neighborhoods
Play in Family Wealth and Well-Being
HannaH THomas*, alexis mann, and TaTjana mescHede
absTracT. A household’s wealt h provides an important form of
economic security for a family, as well as enabling parents to invest in
children to help them realize their aspirations. Yet in the United States,
wealth inequality between white families and families of color who
are earning the same incomes has reached startling levels. The racial
wealth gap, which reduces the opportunities available to African
American families, has proved to be a pernicious and enduring
phenomenon since it was first identified in 1990. This article identifies
and explores the role of neighborhoods in creating and perpetuating
the ongoing racial wealth gap. Wealth available to a family influences
the neighborhood a family is able to afford to live in: through wealth
available to purchase a home or wealth available to put down a
deposit on an apartment. This article makes the case that the
American Jour nal of Economics and Sociology, Vol. 77, Nos. 3-4 (May-Septe mber, 2018).
DOI: 10 .1111/ajes.122 39
© 2018 American Journ al of Economics and Sociology, Inc
*Associate at Abt Associates. Sociologist with expertise in the racial wealth gap,
homeownership and wealth building. Methodological expertise in semi-structured and
unstructured interviewing, ethnography, and institutional ethnography. Currently works
on wealth-building and housing policy evaluations. PhD in Social Policy and Sociology
from Brandeis University. Dissertation on community and household wealth impacts of
foreclosure. Previously worked at the Institute on Assets and Social Policy at Brandeis
University, managing a longitudinal study of how families with children build wealth.
Email: Hannah_Thomas@abtassoc.com
†Research Associate at Institute on Assets and Social Policy. PhD candidate in
Sociology and Social Policy at the Heller School for Social Policy. At IASP, part of team
examining trends in racial wealth gap and in household mobility, showing how families
leverage resources to buffer against economic shocks. Dissertation examines how re-
gional and city context shapes economic inequality and how families sustain economic
security in the face of growing national economic insecurity. Email: armann@brandeis.
edu
‡Associate Director, Institute on Assets and Social Policy (IASP), and Senior Scientist/
Senior Lecturer at the Heller School for Social Policy and Management, Brandeis
University. Principal/Co-Principal Investigator IASP racial wealth disparities studies, re-
search on housing and homelessness, and evaluation research. Expert on analyses of
large national data sets and lead author on many IASP publications. PhD in Public
Policy, University of Massachusetts Boston. Email: Meschede@brandeis.edu
1078 The American Journal of Economics and Sociology
neighborhood a family lives in not only influences social outcomes,
but also influences how much wealth a family can build over the
years, either as a homeowner or a renter. It also discusses the key
wealth mechanisms that influence neighborhood access as well as
how a household’s neighborhood location influences wealth
accumulation. Historical government policies created an inequitable
landscape of neighborhoods across the United States. Government
policies must seek to address this historical injustice.
Introduct ion
In the last few decades economic mobility in the United States has
stagnated; inequality of income and wealth has reached the highest
levels since the Depression of the 1930s, and the racial wealth gap has
grown. Although most discussions of economic inequality focus on
differences in income, wealth inequality is equally if not more import-
ant. While income is important in providing the means to manage
regular household expenses, wealth provides the means for house-
hold members to manage a financial crisis such as unemployment
or an unanticipated financial expense like a carrepair, or to invest in
opportunities for social mobility (McKernan and Ratcliffe 2009). More
than just the tangible, measurable effects of wealth, Sherraden (2018)
has said that assets are the embodiment of hope. Summarizing all of
the effects of wealth, Sherraden (1991: 180–181) notes:
Assets yield positive welfare effects th at income alone does not provide
… The effects of assets are 1) to improve stabilit y, 2) to create cognitive
and emotional orientation toward the fut ure, 3) to stimulate development
of human capital and other assets, 4) to en able focus and special ization,
5) to provide a foundation for risk taking, 6) to enhance personal ef ficacy,
7) to increase social inf luence, 8) to increase political par ticipation, and 9)
to increase the welfare of offspring.
Inequality in wealth is impor tant because it means inequality in the
protections and opportunities that wealth affords. For households that
are left behind, seeing their wealth grow less quickly than others, or
even stagnate or depreciate, and having less or in many cases zero
wealth, means a loss of economic security, an inability to invest in
1079
Race and Location
the next generation, and lower psychological well-being. In such a
way, wealth differences undermine the foundations of a meritocratic
so cie ty.
Since household wealth takes various forms—the home that a fam-
ily lives in, bank accounts, cars, and financial investments—research-
ers are still trying to understand the dynamics of how wealth is built
and grows unequally.
The racial wealth gap is a term used to describe the gap in wealth
between white families and African American and Latinx families. The
average African American family holds just 8 percent of the aver-
age white family’s wealth, while Latinx families hold just 10 percent
(Sullivan and Meschede 2017). The racial wealth gap also varies by
the financial position of the family, being much larger at the top of the
income distribution than at the bottom. In other words, high incomes
in African American and Latinx families do not translate into wealth as
much as they do in white families.
This gap in wealth is driven by several key factors: homeowner-
ship, education, employment, and inheritance. Of these, homeowner-
ship has the greatest impact through two key mechanisms: unequal
homeownership rates, and lower returns on homeownership. African
American families have a homeownership rate of 45 percent, less than
two-thirds of the white homeownership rate of 73 percent. In addi-
tion, white homeowners see greater returns on homeownership than
African Americans. White homeowners accrue $1.34 for every $1 that
African Americans accrue from homeownership (Sullivan et al. 2015).
Homes are located in different neighborhoods, and the same home
in one neighborhood can be valued very differently from a neighbor-
hood just a mile or two away.
One of the key underpinnings of this unequal wealth accrual re-
sults from the neighborhood itself. Low-opportunity neighborhoods
see less home value appreciation, and over the past few decades,
often experience declining home values. Families of color are more
likely to live in low-opportunity neighborhoods than white families
(Sharkey 2013). That explains some of the differences in wealth ac-
crual by race. This is a result of the long history of residential segre-
gation by race in the United States, along with ongoing policies that
reinforce these trends (Rothstein 2017).

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