Putting a price on drugs: An economic sociological study of price formation in illegal drug markets

AuthorKim Moeller,Sveinung Sandberg
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9125.12202
Published date01 May 2019
Date01 May 2019
Received: 17 January 2018 Revised: 30 September 2018 Accepted: 26 November2018
DOI: 10.1111/1745-9125.12202
ARTICLE
Putting a price on drugs: An economic sociological
study of price formation in illegal drug markets
Kim Moeller1Sveinung Sandberg2
1Department of Criminology, Malmö
University—Sweden
2Department of Criminology and Sociology of
Law, Oslo University—Norway
Correspondence
KimMoeller, Department of Cr iminology,
MalmöUniversity, SE- 205 06 Malmö, Sweden.
Email:kim.moeller@mau.se
Abstract
Prices in illegal drug markets are difficult to predict. Based
on qualitative interviews with 68 incarcerated drug deal-
ers in Norway, we explore dealers’ perspectives on fair
prices and the processes that influence their pricing deci-
sions. Synthesized through economic sociology, we draw
on perspectives from traditions as different as behavioral
economics and cultural analysis to demonstrate how partic-
ipants in illicit drug distribution base their pricing decisions
on institutional context, social networks, and drug market
cultures. We find that dealers take institutional constraints
into consideration and search for niches with high earnings
and low risks. The use of transactions embedded in social
networks promotes a trusting form of governance, which
enables strategic network management and expedient dis-
tribution but also uncompetitive pricing. Finally, dealers’
pricing decisions are embedded in three different cultures
narratives: business, friendship, and street cultural stories,
with widely varying implications for prices. Our findings
demonstrate how an economic sociology of illicit drug dis-
tribution can extend insights from behavioral economics
and cultural studies into a coherent criminology of illegal
drug markets.
KEYWORDS
behavioral economics, co-offending, cultural studies, drug markets,
economic sociology
Criminology. 2019;57:289–313. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/crim © 2019 American Society of Criminology 289
290 MOELLER AND SANDBERG
Price is arguably the most central concept in economics where it represents the aggregate result
of individual choices. In conventional economic theory, it is assumed that economic agents always
choose the lowest price. Therefore, demand of any good declines as the price increases. Using
this price theory, economists have modeled many aspects of human behavior, including crime and
drug use (Becker, 1968; Bushway & Reuter, 2008). Classic sociologists, however, have understood
pricing as another category of social action (Swedberg, 2003). For instance, Weber (1978 [1922],
p. 108) viewed price as a result of the struggle between competing interests and power groups.
Durkheim (1933 [1893], pp. 206–219) observed prices as an expression of social norms, what
society deems just and therefore outside the influence of individual choice. Considering these early
works, contemporary sociologists have taken to the idea that prices can only be understood with
reference to the social structures that surround them (Beckert, 2011; Granovetter & Swedberg,
1992).
Illicit drugs are expensive because criminalization “taxes” all aspects of distribution (Reuter &
Kleiman, 1986). Offenders require compensation for their risk of arrest and bodily harm. As a result,
cannabis is worth its weight in gold and cocaine and heroin are even costlier. Although price restricts
consumption, it also causes problems as dealers amass illegal earnings and addicted users struggle
to finance their use (Becker, Murphy, & Grossman, 2006; Gallet, 2014). Furthermore, illicit drug
prices vary more than prices for other products—a variation that exceeds what is anticipated by
economic analysis (Caulkins & Reuter, 2006), and this complicates policy formulation (Manski,
Pepper, & Petrie, 2001, p. 116). Caulkins and Reuter (1996, p. 1264) concluded that the “magnitude
of that variation, particularly over time and place, offers prospects for gaining substantial insight
into behavior. It is not only better price data, but also better analyses that are needed.” We answer
this call by exploring the links between prices and the social structures that surround economic
exchange.
Illicit drugs are not sold in competitive markets that are organized by the laws of supply and
demand with agents who have perfect information. No state institutions regulate quality standards,
ensure fair competition, and enforce contracts; hence, participants must develop informal ways of
building trust and reducing uncertainty. Drugs are therefore distributed in social networks of known
partners that offer protection against law enforcement intervention(Benson & Decker, 2010; Morselli,
2009). Prices are also influenced by cultures that “set shared standards on how to calculate the ‘right’
price” (Beckert, 2011, p. 772). Different types of drugs fluctuate in popularity over time, and their
use and distribution are associated with norms that set expectations for pricing behavior (Golub,
Johnson, & Dunlap, 2005). The social context surrounding illicit drug transactions is therefore pivotal
to understand pricing mechanisms.
In this article, we demonstrate how perspectives from economic sociology relate to behavioral eco-
nomic contributions to criminology and cultural studies of illegal drug markets. Our aim is not only
to contribute to interdisciplinary thinking on illicit drug prices but also to show how economic sociol-
ogy can synthesize these approaches. Using 68 qualitative interviews with imprisoned drug dealers in
Norway, we examine price formation from three economic sociological perspectives that are focused
respectivelyon formal legal institutions, social networks, and culture (Aspers, 2011; Fligstein & Dauter,
2007). We argue that economic sociology can encompass diverging disciplinary contributions such as
behavioral economics and narrative analysis into a coherent theoretical framework. This criminology
of illegal drug markets is more realistic than neoclassic economic research and easier to generalize
than cultural studies.

To continue reading

Request your trial

VLEX uses login cookies to provide you with a better browsing experience. If you click on 'Accept' or continue browsing this site we consider that you accept our cookie policy. ACCEPT