Putting Homelessness in Context: The Schools and Neighborhoods of Students Experiencing Homelessness

Published date01 January 2021
DOI10.1177/0002716220987830
Date01 January 2021
Subject MatterTrajectories and Transitions
158 ANNALS, AAPSS, 693, January 2021
DOI: 10.1177/0002716220987830
Putting
Homelessness
in Context: The
Schools and
Neighborhoods
of Students
Experiencing
Homelessness
By
TASMINDA K. DHALIWAL,
SOLEDAD DE GREGORIO,
ANN OWENS,
and
GARY PAINTER
987830ANN The Annals Of The American AcademyPutting Homelessness In Context
research-article2021
The number of K–12 students experiencing homeless-
ness is increasing across the country. Schools may serve
as sources of support and stability for homeless chil-
dren, but little is known about the types of schools that
homeless students attend or about the communities in
which they live. We investigate the context of student
homelessness in Los Angeles by analyzing student-level
administrative data from the Los Angeles Unified
School District and publicly available data on neighbor-
hoods and schools from school years 2008–2009 to
2016–2017. Our findings suggest that homeless stu-
dents tend to be clustered within lower-achieving
schools with higher concentrations of disadvantaged
student groups and live in neighborhoods with higher
concentrated disadvantage. Despite policy provisions
to ensure stability, homeless students have high rates of
school and residential mobility in the years they are
homeless, and mobile students tend to move to less-
disadvantaged schools. We conclude with policy impli-
cations to strengthen the implementation of the federal
McKinney-Vento Act.
Keywords: education; homeless students; mobility;
McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance
Act; schools; neighborhoods
The number of K–12 students experiencing
homelessness has grown since the Great
Recession. Recent federal counts find more
than 1.3 million K–12 students experienced
homelessness in the 2016–17 school year, a 7
percent increase from the 2014–15 school year
(National Center for Homeless Education
2019; see Parolin, this volume). Education data
are uniquely positioned to capture trends in
homelessness and housing insecurity because
federal education policy, pursuant to the
McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act
Tasminda K. Dhaliwal is a doctoral candidate in Urban
Education Policy at the University of Southern California.
Her research focuses on the ways social and economic
conditions shape student outcomes and the effectiveness
of policies designed to reduce inequality.
Correspondence: tdhaliwa@usc.edu
PUTTING HOMELESSNESS IN CONTEXT 159
(McKinney-Vento Act), requires schools to identify and support homeless stu-
dents. The McKinney-Vento Act defines homelessness as lacking a fixed, ade-
quate, and stable nighttime residence, including living doubled up (i.e., living
with others due to housing loss or economic hardship, which is true for the
majority of K–12 homeless students), and provides some funds to support these
students (McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act 2015; National Center for
Homeless Education 2019). Other agencies, such as the U.S. Department of
Housing and Urban Development (HUD), have a more limited charter and,
therefore, do not include doubled-up families in their homeless counts. The
inclusion of doubled-up students (and their families) means education data pro-
vide a broader view of housing insecurity than other agencies.
School districts around the country are concerned about rising homelessness
for many reasons, including the direct negative consequences of homelessness on
students’ academic and behavioral outcomes (e.g., Cowen 2017; De Gregorio
etal. 2020; Fantuzzo et al. 2012; Rafferty and Shinn 1991). Policy-makers and
advocates have long recognized the potential of schools to serve as a source of
support and stability for homeless students by providing resources (e.g., free and
reduced price lunch [FRL] program) and social connection (Masten etal. 1997).
The McKinney-Vento Act requires schools to remove barriers to school enroll-
ment (e.g., proof of address, immunization records), provide transportation to
and from school, promote stability in school enrollment, and, in cases where
school mobility is desirable, ensure moves are in the best interest of students
(McKinney-Vento Homeless Assistance Act 2015).
Despite recognition that schools may be especially important community insti-
tutions for homeless children, little existing research has systematically examined
the types of schools that students experiencing homelessness attend, the com-
munities in which they live, and how these change with transitions into and out
of homelessness. Our research contributes to such knowledge by analyzing a rich
student-level administrative panel from the country’s second largest school dis-
trict, the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD), and publicly available
data on schools and neighborhoods from the 2008–2009 to 2016–2017 school
years to address the following research questions: (1) What are the characteristics
of homeless students’ schools and neighborhoods? (2) How are homeless stu-
dents spatially distributed in LAUSD schools and communities? and (3) How do
Soledad De Gregorio is a postdoctoral scholar at the University of Southern California’s Sol
Price Center for Social Innovation. Her research examines how childhood experiences and
public policies affect student outcomes and inequality.
Ann Owens is an associate professor of sociology and associate director of the Sol Price Center
for Social Innovation at the University of Southern California. Her research examines neigh-
borhood and school inequality, with attention to housing, urban, and education policy.
Gary Painter is a professor in the Sol Price School of Public Policy at the University of Southern
California and director of the Sol Price Center for Social Innovation and the Homelessness
Policy Research Institute. His research focuses on social innovation, housing, urban economics,
and education policy.
NOTE: We are grateful to the Los Angeles Unified School District for providing data access.

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