Public Opinion and Death Penalty Policy Under Direct Democracy Institutions: A Longitudinal Analysis of the American States

AuthorChristian Caron
DOI10.1177/1532673X20943560
Date01 January 2021
Published date01 January 2021
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X20943560
American Politics Research
2021, Vol. 49(1) 91 –105
© The Author(s) 2020
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DOI: 10.1177/1532673X20943560
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Article
Long-term trends suggest the death penalty is in decline in
the U.S., especially when measured in terms of usage. Over
the past two decades, death sentences have declined pre-
cipitously as attention to wrongful convictions has risen
(Baumgartner et al., 2008). Moreover, in many of the states
that continue to issue death sentences, executions have
become so rare that the punishment is effectively a more
expensive form of life without parole (LWOP). Indeed, the
condemned usually have their sentences reduced to LWOP
on appeal (Baumgartner et al., 2018). But the minority of
inmates who are denied such relief may, too, ultimately be
spared, due to both the slow pace of the appeals process and
the high frequency of stays of execution. As further evi-
dence of the penalty’s decline, several governors have
recently imposed moratoria on executions. In short, with
the exception of a small number of states—most notably
Texas—capital punishment is virtually extinct in practice,
instead serving a mostly symbolic purpose (Steiker &
Steiker, 2016).
Although several states have abolished capital punish-
ment since the turn of the century, the fact is that the death
penalty remains a legal punishment in 28 states at the time of
this writing. The question motivating this study is why a pub-
lic policy that is significantly costlier than the alternative
while usually resulting in the same outcome is still on the
books in the majority of states. To be sure, public opinion,
which remains supportive of the death penalty in the abstract,
is part of the explanation (Baumgartner et al., 2008, 2018;
Erikson et al., 1993; Lax & Phillips, 2012). As Progressive
reformers theorized over a century ago, however, the ability
of public opinion to shape policy may depend on whether a
state permits direct democracy. Building on this argument, I
contend that the initiative and popular referendum have pro-
vided an extra layer of protection to death penalty statutes by
directly and indirectly improving government’s responsive-
ness to public preferences. Additionally, this study is the first
to address the related question of whether, and under what
conditions, direct democracy promotes congruence between
majority opinion and death penalty policy. While there may
seem to be a fine line between policy responsiveness and
congruence, it is important to draw a distinction between the
two: the fact that state policy generally changes in response
to public opinion does not imply that opinion majorities
always prevail (Lax & Phillips, 2009a, 2012; Lewis &
Jacobsmeier, 2017). Crucially, Progressives’ arguments in
favor of direct democracy implied that these institutions
943560APRXXX10.1177/1532673X20943560American Politics ResearchCaron
research-article2020
1University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, USA
Corresponding Author:
Christian Caron, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 361
Hamilton Hall, CB 3265, Chapel Hill, NC 27599, USA.
Email: cjcaron@unc.edu
Public Opinion and Death Penalty Policy
Under Direct Democracy Institutions:
A Longitudinal Analysis of the
American States
Christian Caron1
Abstract
Capital punishment remains legal in most U.S. states even though only a small number of them regularly impose it. I attribute
the persistence of death penalty statutes to the existence of direct democracy institutions in about half the states. Applying
a longitudinal research design that leverages annual estimates of state death penalty opinion, I show that these institutions
strengthen the connection between public opinion and capital punishment’s legality, indicating that they foster policy
responsiveness. By extension, because citizens have generally favored capital punishment, I find that direct democracy states
are more likely to have the death penalty. I also demonstrate that direct democracy increases the likelihood that policy will
be congruent with majority opinion, especially in states where opinion leans strongly in one direction. The representation-
enhancing effect of direct democracy, however, does not extend to the punishment’s application, as measured by states’
issuance of death sentences.
Keywords
state politics, public opinion, direct democracy, death penalty, policy representation

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