Protests of Abundance: Distributive Conflict Over Agricultural Rents During the Commodities Boom in Argentina, 2003–2013

AuthorMaría Victoria Murillo,Jorge Mangonnet
DOI10.1177/0010414019897417
Date01 July 2020
Published date01 July 2020
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0010414019897417
Comparative Political Studies
2020, Vol. 53(8) 1223 –1258
© The Author(s) 2020
Article reuse guidelines:
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DOI: 10.1177/0010414019897417
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Article
Protests of Abundance:
Distributive Conflict
Over Agricultural Rents
During the Commodities
Boom in Argentina,
2003–2013
Jorge Mangonnet1
and María Victoria Murillo1
Abstract
Whereas the scholarship on rural contention mostly focuses on austerity and
busts, we study protests by agricultural export producers in times of high
agricultural prices. Aware of price volatility, farmers seek to take advantage
of cycles’ upswings to maximize their income and resist sharing the rents
generated by higher prices. When farmers lack the formal political influence
to avert redistribution, they are more likely to protest as their tax burden
increases although they benefit from higher prices. Their strongest protest
tool is lockouts, which halt commercialization activities and have significant
economic consequences, but require coordination by farmer associations.
Membership homogeneity and lower exposure to state retaliation by these
organizations heightens contention. We test this argument using a local-level
data set on rural lockouts across Argentine departments between 2003 and
2013, a time of high prices for Argentina’s key export commodity: soybeans.
We complement our empirical strategy with in-depth, semi-structured elite
interviews.
1Columbia University, New York, NY, USA
Corresponding Author:
María Victoria Murillo, Columbia University, International Affairs Building, Office 832,
420 W. 118th Street, New York, NY 10027, USA.
Email: mm2140@columbia.edu
897417CPSXXX10.1177/0010414019897417Comparative Political StudiesMangonnet and Murillo
research-article2020
1224 Comparative Political Studies 53(8)
Keywords
economic policy, Latin American politics, politics of growth/development,
subnational politics, conflict processes
Among farmers, what’s more usual, is that when you have the feeling of
increasing welfare and you perceive that’s being threatened, that’s a reason for
mobilization.
—Jorge Solmi, former vice-president of the Argentine
Agrarian Federation (June 28, 2018).
Whereas the difficulties of collective action by dispersed farmers have long
been noticed (Bates, 1981), their protests seem more puzzling at times of
high agricultural prices when their grievances should decline. Indeed, a body
of conventional literature focusing on both farmers and peasants underscores
the impact of negative shocks on agrarian unrest. Farmers are exposed to
climate risks and sudden fluctuations in agricultural prices, both of which
jeopardize farm income. Thus, natural disasters (Mooney & Majka, 1995;
Wells, 1979) and negative price shocks (Klepper, 1974; North, 1974) have
been highlighted as major factors in fomenting farmers’ contentiousness.
Similarly, the literature on the political economy of contention emphasizes
the impact of material grievances generated by austerity and economic liber-
alization to explain recent protest by agricultural producers in advanced
nations (Bush & Simi, 2001; Della Porta, 2015) and Latin America (Eckstein
& Wickham-Crowley, 2015; Simmons, 2016). By contrast, high agricultural
prices are not expected to trigger farmers’ protests even though price upswings
have been associated with peasant unrest in reaction to the expansion of
agrarian frontiers into common lands, landholding concentration, and envi-
ronmental degradation (Hall, 2011). Protest in “moments of affluence,” how-
ever, have been noticed in nonagrarian contexts by Kerbo (1982), who
pointed to the higher prevalence of labor strikes in times of low unemploy-
ment and postmaterial protest movements in times of economic abundance.
We follow this tradition, seeking to explain the conditions that underpin con-
tention by farmers who benefit from the agricultural commodities boom.
The commodities super cycle that started in 2003 had a dramatic impact
on soybean prices. Indeed, while the four major grains (maize, soybeans,
rice, and wheat) doubled their price between 2003 and 2013, the price of
soybeans reached the highest levels driven by Chinese demand. By 2012,
wheat and corn hovered around US$200 per ton and rice at US$300, whereas
soybean prices grew above US$500 per ton.1 In response to world prices, the
Mangonnet and Murillo 1225
fertile South American countryside turned to soybeans, which became a
major export product in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay.
Surprisingly, as prices peaked in 2008, soybean-producing farmers protested
in Argentina, Bolivia, and Paraguay. These farmers were reacting to govern-
ments’ efforts at redistributing to their constituencies part of the rents pro-
duced by high soybean prices, either through taxes or regulations. Paraguayan
soybean producers took their trucks to the roads in December 2008 to avert a
tax on soybean exports and the imposition of regulations in the use of agro-
chemicals by a newly elected left-wing president. Similarly, soybean farmers
in Bolivia mobilized against leftist president Evo Morales in 2008 to resist
export quotas and the obligation to sell a portion of their production at lower
domestic prices, effectively taxing it.
In these cases, as in the Argentine one, farmers’ perception of low political
influence was crucial in explaining their mobilization in defense of the rents
generated by higher agricultural prices. Yet, there were important variations
in the incentives to join these protests at the local level. We focus on this
variation to further our understanding of rural contention in times of afflu-
ence. Our argument focuses on the distributive conflict over rents generated
by higher agricultural prices between farmers and governments while point-
ing to distinct organizational incentives shaping collective action.
Export crops have also been taxed in other Latin American countries and
in much of sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia (Anderson, 2009; Estrades
et al., 2017). Taxing export crops becomes especially tempting during com-
modity booms as these rents are easy to capture in export ports (Saylor,
2014). Therefore, our findings have broader implications for understanding
incentives for rural contention in the context of high agricultural prices
beyond Latin America. In addition, our study also contributes to the literature
on the political economy of the commodities boom in Latin America by illu-
minating the revenue-side dynamics that sustained the expenditures of the
Left Wave governments that ruled the region during the 2000s.
We study Argentina because soybeans were its main export product and
we have access to local-level data to test our argument in the period of the
commodities boom. We focus on farmers’ lockouts, which interrupt commer-
cialization activities—for example, withholding production, sabotaging the
sale and transportation of food at customs and ports. As rural lockouts imply
forgone opportunities to sell at high prices and contract cancelations while
requiring storage capacity, they are used as a last resort by farmers. Yet,
farmer lockouts are their strongest protest tool due to their significant eco-
nomic impact. Freezing trade can induce macroeconomic instability by drain-
ing foreign-exchange reserves. If the government relies on tax monies levied
from the agricultural sector, rural lockouts may also diminish fiscal revenues

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