Property rights and market behavior in the low‐income housing sector: Evidence from Chile
| Published date | 01 December 2022 |
| Author | Diego Gil,Pablo A. Celhay |
| Date | 01 December 2022 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/jels.12330 |
ORIGINAL ARTICLE
Property rights and market behavior in the low-income
housing sector: Evidence from Chile
Diego Gil | Pablo A. Celhay
School of Government, Pontificia Universidad Cat
olica de Chile, Santiago, Chile
Correspondence
Diego Gil, School of Government, Pontificia Universidad Cat
olica de Chile, Av. Vicuña Mackenna 4860, Macul,
7820436, Santiago, Region Metropolitana, Chile.
Email: diego.gil@uc.cl
Funding information
ANID Fondecyt Iniciaci
on, Grant/Award Number: 11180489
Abstract
Recent decades have seen a strong commitment in development theory and practice
toward the idea of promoting homeownership among low-income families, partly based
on the idea that property formalization constitutes an important vehicle for social mobil-
ity and economic development. However, the empirical evidence on this theory is not
conclusive. This paper aims to explore this idea using evidence from Chile, a country that
has shown high success in moving low-income families from the informal to the formal
housing sector. The data for the analysis comes from a comprehensive survey conducted
in 2008 with a representative sample of two groups of low-income households in
Santiago: The first group living in an irregular settlement and the second living in
subsidized formal housing. Through the use of statistical methods that allow comparison
of these samples (matching strategies), we find that market behavior among both
groups are not considerably different. The analysis shows that there are no statistically
significant differences between the two groups with respect to savings and investments in
their homes. The only relevant difference we find is that individuals living in formal
housing have more access to loans from commercial stores relative to informal dwellers.
We argue that the type of geographical relocation to formal housing may affect the
market behavior of low-income owners more than tenure security, in a direction that does
not necessary benefit their socioeconomic situation.
INTRODUCTION
In recent decades, the protection and expansion of private property rights has
become a core part of rule of law programs around the world (Dyal-
Chand, 2007; Trebilcock & Veel, 2008; Xu, 2013). This global trend is based on
DOI: 10.1111/jels.12330
©2022 Cornell Law School and Wiley Periodicals LLC.
1148 J Empir Leg Stud. 2022;19:1148–1178.
wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/jels
the idea that robust property rights regimes are a critical component of success-
ful capitalist societies (Demsetz, 1967). Therefore, low-income countries should
follow their example by establishing a system in which citizens can participate in
economic transactions with clearly identifiable and protected private property
rights (de Soto, 2000; Deininger, 2003). This idea has had an enormous influ-
ence in the way many governments across the globe have addressed the problem
represented by the extensive, and pervasive, presence of informal settlements in
many urban areas, especially in the Global South. Some governments have
implemented large-scale titling programs to provide tenure security to house-
holds living in urban informality (Field, 2005; Galiani & Schargrodsky, 2010;
Reerink & van Gelder, 2010). Other countries have adopted expansive housing
policies aimed at providing low-income families access to formal housing with
full property rights (Cao & Keivani, 2014; Gil, 2019; Gilbert, 2004; World
Bank, 1993).
The theory behind this development doctrine is relatively simple. Hernando
de Soto, the Peruvian economist who has been one of its most popular advo-
cates, has argued that one important reason why developing countries lag
behind in terms of economic development is that a significant part of the eco-
nomic exchanges in those countries are produced in informal contexts
(de Soto, 2000). He labels the economic activity generated in the informal sector
as “dead capital,”because of the lack of capacity to use the full economic value
of personal assets (de Soto, 2000). De Soto proposes that developing countries
should construct a legal infrastructure that would allow individuals living in
urban informality to use their assets in the formal economic sector, which would
transform those assets into “real capital”(de Soto, 2000). One way of achieving
that goal is through titling programs that provide people with formal ownership
of the place they possess irregularly. According to the theory, this change would
dramatically alter their economic behavior, because holding property rights will:
(a) give owners access to credit from the formal financial sector to finance entre-
preneurial activities by using their properties as collateral; (b) will incentivize
households to make improvements in their homes because they can later capture
the added value generated by those improvements; and (c) will make individuals
feel protected and secured in the place they inhabit, eliminating the need to use
part of their income to obtain extra-legal protection to safeguard their home
(Trebilcock & Veel, 2008). At the same time, the economy overall would expand
by bringing a significant portion of economic exchanges to the formal economy.
The provision of property rights to low-income households has not necessar-
ily met the expectations of the theory. Studies that have assessed the impact of
policies that follow de Soto’s prescriptions have not always found that property
rights transform the economic behavior of individuals in the ways the theory
predicts (Field, 2005; Galiani & Schargrodsky, 2010; Reerink & van
Gelder, 2010; Van Gelder, 2013; Ward et al., 2011). Moreover, a significant
body of literature argues that property rights by themselves do not necessarily
PROPERTY RIGHTS AND MARKET BEHAVIOR 1149
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