Procurement under public scrutiny: auctions versus negotiations

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1756-2171.12159
AuthorAchim Wambach,Vitali Gretschko
Date01 November 2016
Published date01 November 2016
RAND Journal of Economics
Vol.47, No. 4, Winter 2016
pp. 914–934
Procurement under public scrutiny:
auctions versus negotiations
Vitali Gretschko
and
Achim Wambach
We compare two commonly used mechanisms in public procurement: auctions and negotiations.
The execution of the procurement mechanism is delegated to an agent of the buyer. The agent
has private information about the buyer’s preferences and may collude with one of the sellers.
Weprovide a general characterizationof both mechanisms based on public scrutiny requirements
and show—contrary to conventional wisdom—that an intransparent negotiation always yields
higher social surplus than a transparent auction. Moreover, there exists a lower bound on the
number of sellers such that the negotiation also generates a higher buyer surplus.
1. Introduction
Auctions are believed to be transparent mechanisms and thus less prone to favoritism than
intransparent negotiations. For instance, Paul Klemperer (2000) argues that “. . . allocation by
bureaucrats leads to the perception—if not the reality—of favoritism and corruption. In fact some
governments have probably chosen beauty contests [over auctions] precisely because they create
conditions for favoring “national champions” overforeign competitors. This is unlikely to benefit
consumers and taxpayers.”1
Center for European Economic Research (ZEW) Mannheim; gretschko@zew.de, wambach@zew.de.
We would like to thank Paul Heidhues, Johannes H¨
orner, Philippe Jehiel, Elena Katok, David Martimort (Editor),
Alexander Rasch, and the participants of the seminars at DICE 2015, Paris School of Economics 2014, Penn State 2012,
YaleUniversity 2012, and of the workshop of the DFG research unit Design and Behavior 2013 in Cologne for helpful
comments and discussions. Finally,we thank two anonymous referees for detailed and helpful comments that haveg reatly
improved this article. All remaining errors are our own. Financial support from the German Science Foundation (DFG)
through the research unit Design and Behavior and the Fulbright Commission is gratefully acknowledged. Substantial
parts of this article were written when Gretschko stayedat YaleUniversity in 2011/2012. The author thanks the department
of economics for its hospitality.
1More recently,Subramanian (2010) states that “[a]uctions are more transparent processes than private negotiations,
so if transparency is important, an auction is better. This is the reason that most public procurement contracts [. . .] are
done through auctions, particularly when the government is looking to defuse criticisms of corruption or favoritism.”
Moreover,Wolf (2000) argues that “it [the auction] is the fairest [mechanism] because it ensures that the economic value
goes to the community, whileeliminating the favoritism and corruption inherent in bureaucratic discretion.”
914 C2016, The RAND Corporation.
GRETSCHKO AND WAMBACH / 915
The perception that auctions are more transparent than negotiations stems from the fact that
auctions are executed publicly, whereas negotiations are conducted outside the public eye.Hence,
in an auction, all relevant parameters and rules have to be defined before the bidders submit
their offers and it is apparent whether the implemented procedures have been followed. Contrary
to that, in a negotiation, it is impossible to reconstruct the decision process and only the final
decision becomes public.
However, public scrutiny does not imply that auctions are favoritismproof, as the parameters
and procedures of an auction may be chosen in a way that benefits one of the sellers before the
auction has even started. Moreover, even though a negotiation is conducted outside the public
eye, the final outcome of the process has to be justified to the public after all offers have been
collected. Thus, some public scrutiny cannot be avoided in a negotiation.2
We consider a procurement setting with sellers that are horizontally differentiated with
respect to the specification of the procured project. Buyer surplus depends not only on the final
price but also on the implemented specification. The buyer has to delegate the execution of the
procurement process to an agent who privately observes the specification preference of the buyer
and colludes with one—exogenously chosen—seller.3
We start our analysis by deriving the buyer-surplus and the social-surplus optimal mech-
anisms. The optimal mechanisms have two features that are worth stressing. First, the winning
probability of the preferred seller is independent of the report of the agent concerning the buyers’
preferred specification. That is, the agent has no discretion in the decision whether the preferred
seller receives the object. Second, whenever the preferred seller fails to win the object, the agent
has full discretion on how to allocate the object among the honest sellers. Both properties ensure
that the agent reports the specification preference of the buyer truthfully and that the allocation
among the honest sellers is optimal. The main insight from the analysis of the optimal mechanism
is that when evaluating any mechanism in the presence of favoritism, the performance of this
mechanism will depend on the winning probability of the preferred seller and on whether the
allocation among the honest sellers will be distorted.
Buyers are often not able to fine-tune the optimal mechanism to the environment and thus
are forced to use cruder measures to curb favoritism. A typical reaction to the threat of favoritism
is to publicly scrutinize the decisions of the agent. Thus, we turn our attention from a normative
analysis of the optimal mechanism to a positive analysis of the public scrutiny requirements of
two commonly used procurement mechanisms—auctions and negotiations. We argue that in an
auction, public scrutiny is imposed before the agent collects the offers of the sellers, whereas in
the negotiation, public scrutiny is imposed after collecting the offers. Hence, publicscr utinyin an
auction restricts the choice of the process (process scrutiny), whereas in the negotiation, public
scrutiny merely places restrictions on the final decision of the agent (outcome scrutiny). Thus,
in the auction, the agent is then restricted to the ex ante optimal decision, given the information
available to th e buyer.4In the negotiation, outcome scrutiny implies that the agent is restricted
to the ex post optimal decision, given the information of the buyer. Given those restrictions, we
derive the auction and the negotiation that maximize the joint surplus of the agent and the favorite
2This argument carries overto private auctions and negotiations. Even though private procurement is not conducted
publicly,the managers still have to report to the shareholders of the procuring company.
3The assumption that the agent colludes with one specific seller resembles many real-life situations in public
procurement. For example, Laffont and Tirole (1991) point out that “[t]here has been much concern that the auction
designer may prefer or collude with a specific buyer. And indeed most military or governmental markets’ acquisition
regulations go to a great length to impose rules aimed at curbing favoritism. Similarly,the European Economic Comission,
alarmed by the abnormally large percentage (above95% in most countries) of government contracts awarded to domestic
firms is trying to design rules that would foster fairer competition between domestic and foreign suppliers and would fit
better than recent experience with the aim of fully opening borders.”
4If the buyer is concerned with social surplus, the agent has to implement the social-surplus optimal auction given
his announcement of the buyer’s preferred specification. If the buyer is concerned with his own surplus, the agent has to
implement the buyer-surplus optimal auction given his announcement of the buyer’s preferred specification.
C
The RAND Corporation 2016.

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