Procedural Justice and Legitimacy in Prisons: A Review of Extant Empirical Literature

Date01 February 2022
Published date01 February 2022
DOI10.1177/00938548211053367
AuthorCathal Ryan,Michael Bergin
Subject MatterArticles
CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 2022, Vol. 49, No. 2, February 2022, 143 –163.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1177/00938548211053367
Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions
© 2021 International Association for Correctional and Forensic Psychology
143
PROCEDURAL JUSTICE AND LEGITIMACY IN
PRISONS
A Review of Extant Empirical Literature
CATHAL RYAN
MICHAEL BERGIN
Waterford Institute of Technology
Significant in the management of a safe and secure custodial environment is the compliance of incarcerated persons with the
prison rules and the directives of prison officers. In recent years, there has been increased research focus on the role of norma-
tive compliance in the prison environment, which is postulated to derive from the perceptions of legitimacy and procedural
justice of those who are incarcerated. This article presents the findings of a scoping review of the empirical literature as it
relates to procedural justice and legitimacy in prison settings. This literature is charted and then analyzed across two primary
themes, namely “Shaping Perceptions of Procedural Justice and Legitimacy” and “Procedural Justice, Legitimacy, and
Compliance.” The presence of normative compliance in prisons and the contribution of procedurally just treatment to percep-
tions of legitimacy held by persons who are incarcerated are discussed.
Keywords: procedural justice; prisons; legitimacy; corrections; correctional officers
INTRODUCTION—COMPLIANCE IN PRISON ENVIRONMENTS
Prison environments comprise unique closed “societies” in which the provision of safe
and secure custodial care is dependent on the compliance of persons who are incarcerated
with prison officers and with the prison regime more generally (Liebling & Price, 2003).
Such compliance can be attained in different ways. Constraint-based approaches, for exam-
ple, derive from the physical and structural limitations placed on those who are incarcerated
(Irwin Rogers, 2015), while instrumental approaches tend to be rewarding or coercive in
nature and are rooted in the authoritative power structures of the prison (Ferdik & Smith,
2016). That is, instrumental compliance assumes that those who are incarcerated are moti-
vated to increase personal gains and limit losses, and will accordingly assess the opportuni-
ties and risks associated with compliance or otherwise.
AUTHORS’ NOTE: There are no conflicts of interest to declare. Correspondence concerning this article
should be addressed to Cathal Ryan, Department of Law and Criminal Justice Studies, School of Humanities,
Waterford Institute of Technology, College Street Campus, Room C102, College Street, Waterford X91 Y074,
Ireland; e-mail: cryan@wit.ie.
1053367CJBXXX10.1177/00938548211053367Criminal Justice and BehaviorRyan, Bergin / Procedural Justice and Legitimacy in Prisons
research-article2021
144 CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR
Normative compliance differs from these as it is based upon acquiesce and cooperation.
This is a form of compliance postulated to derive from the perceptions of the legitimacy of
prison officers and the prison regime that are held by persons who are incarcerated (Jackson
et al., 2010). From a social-psychological perspective, legitimacy is broadly referred to as a
belief or perception of authorities as appropriate, proper, and just (Sparks, 1994), though it
has also been conceptualized as a perceived obligation to comply with the directives of
authority figures; the degree of support, trust, or confidence one holds in those in charge
(Tyler & Bies, 1990), and as a quality held by an authority that encourages compliance
(Tyler, 2003).
LEGITIMACY AND THE PRISON OFFICER
Specific to the prison environment, Hepburn (1985), drawing on French et al. (1959),
identified legitimate or positional power as a type of social power base held by prison offi-
cers based on their position of authority within the prison. As such, it is dependent on per-
ceptions of the legitimacy of prison officer authority, which should be employed in a fair
and lawful manner (Steiner & Wooldredge, 2015). This is consistent with the assertion of
Tyler (1990), who argued that perceptions of legitimacy, attained via shared expectations
and the use of authority in a procedurally fair manner, are a significant determinant of the
compliance of citizens with the law. Separately, Beetham (1991) distinguished between
three criteria of legitimate power, namely conformity to rules, the justifiability of rules in
terms of shared beliefs, and expressed consent, which refers to the reciprocal recognition of
the rights held by both parties and which can encourage feelings of obligation to comply
(Hacin, 2018).
Bottoms and Tankebe (2012) advance a dialogic, relative understanding of legitimacy
involving continuous claims by power-holders and responses by audiences. They differenti-
ate between audience legitimacy (i.e., the acceptance of those in authority as legitimate) and
self-legitimacy, which relates to the extent to which the authority holder views their posi-
tion of power as right and proper. Based on this work, Hacin and Fields (2016) present a
dual model of legitimacy in prisons which incorporates both perspectives. Consistent with
the views of Costa (2016) and Symkovych (2018), they argue that legitimacy is not fixed in
nature, but develops through ever-evolving interpersonal relationships and dialogue. This
necessitates that those in custody and prison staff are studied simultaneously. Legitimacy
can also refer to the extent to which the rules or structure of a prison at an organizational
level are perceived as fair (Franke et al., 2010). Indeed, this is congruent with Liebling’s
(2004) articulation of the moral performance or climate of the prison, which encompasses
the culture of the organization and the prison, and how aspects such as quality of life and
dignity are managed.
Perceptions of legitimacy may therefore be important for maintaining a safe and secure
prison environment. When those who are incarcerated view their relationships with officers
as legitimate, they may be more likely to believe that such officers are entitled to make deci-
sions and exercise power to uphold rules and maintain order (Crewe, 2011). They may also
feel a greater obligation to comply with the directives of these officers, and with the rule of
the prison regime more generally (Bottoms & Tankebe, 2012). Similarly, prison officers
who assert their authority or respond to challenges in an inappropriate manner (e.g., through
harsh treatment or excessive use of force) may ultimately undermine their legitimacy, in

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