Principles of social work practice in the Muslim Arab world.

• Author: Al-Krenawi, Alean

THIS ARTICLE EXAMINES SOCIAL WORK in the Muslim Arab world, with particular reference to research that we have undertaken with Muslim Arab peoples in Palestine, Jordan, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates. Much of the proceeding analysis is based on English language social work scholarship; future research could profitably consider innovations as considered in Arabic and other language social work literatures. English language traditions and literatures, as we subsequently point out, have been important to the Arab world's development of social work. Such diverse and loosely defined social groupings as "Northern" and "Muslim Arab" are fraught with dangers of reductionism, simplification, and essentialism. Their advantage, on the other hand, is the possibility of considering broad patterns at this early stage in the literature's evolution. Consequently, the generalizations that we present are intended as nothing more than a beginning point: as one scholar describes such enterprises, as "signposts for future research rather than as definitive conclusions," for further reflection and for application in more precise and defined geographic, historical, national, and other contexts (Salem, 1997, p. 11). Insofar, therefore, as generalizations may occur, we argue that this social work epistemology remains a largely Northern conception, but is nonetheless beginning to add space for other perspectives, including the Arab world--where social work, as we argue, has been a product of colonialism. Historically, many aspects of social work have fit poorly with Arab cultures and social structures. Polygamy and blood vengeance are excellent examples of culturally embedded practices for which social work theory and methods had, until recently, little to say. As we also argue, there are three important areas where social work in the Arab world has been enhanced: conflict resolution, collaboration with religion and with traditional healing, and strategies for working with families. Ultimately, we advocate an integration of social work as it is presently conceptualized in the Muslim Arab world, with principles derived from Arab cultural and religious practices; this process may lead to a more locally responsive, culturally appropriate model of professional intervention.

INFLUENCE OF THE NORTH ON THE PROFESSION OF SOCIAL WORK

At the turn of the twentieth century, the social work profession emerged in Western Europe and North America (hereafter the North) and in the interwar period was transplanted to colonized countries (hereafter the South) inside and outside the Arab world. In the post-World War II era, the profession was globalized, as schools of social work proliferated across the South--invariably with cultural assumptions originating in the North (Healey, 1999; Midgley, 1981). As a result, scholarship now widely concurs: social work in the Arab world, as elsewhere, is incompatible with cultural, economic, political, and social realities (Healey, 1999; Midgley, 1981, 1999; Ragab, 1990). The profession's growth has been characterized as "academic colonialization" (Atal, 1981) mirroring political and scientific colonization (Clews, 1999). In their transmission to the Arab world, social work knowledge and practice retained Northern assumptions regarding human nature and the nature of social problems (Ragab, 1990; 1995). These persist to the present time.

Examples of Northern biases in teaching, research and practice in the Muslim Arab world, are legion. In the early twentieth century, the profession of social work emerged in the North, with strong assumptions regarding the primacy of the individual: for example, Maslow's hierarchy of needs, with self-actualization as its pinnacle; Mahler's notion of separation, individualism and autonomy; and Erickson's ideas on the importance of autonomy in the development of individuals. These and other currents of helping professional theory are strongly grounded to Northern, individualistic cultures. The Muslim Arab world, in contrast, is more collectivist than individualist. No concept captures this better than the individualism/collectivism (IC) continuum. IC refers to the degree to which a person's worldview encourages, fosters, and facilitates the needs, wishes, desires, and values of an autonomous and unique self over those of a group (Mead, 1967; Triandis, 1972). Individualists may perceive themselves as separate and autonomous individuals. Collectivists, in contrast, may conceive of the individual in far less isolation from others within the same community--they may see themselves as fundamentally connected with others (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). In individualist worldviews, personal needs and goals take precedence; in collectivist worldviews, they may be secondary to the goals of a group. Social work, steeped in individualism, has fewer theoretical or practical insights into how to work with people who are strongly collectivist.

Muslim Arab peoples may view psychosocial problems differently than other communities, and may have distinct ways of accessing professional care and of articulating problems. Among Muslim Arab peoples, al-junin (being possessed by the jinni or spirit) is comparable to the Northern notion of mental illness, and may be conveyed in everyday life (Al-Issa, 2000). Religious terminology may be used to describe psychosocial problems; possession by a spirit, experiences of sorcery and magic, the temptation of the devil--these and other culturally bound expressions are common (Al-Issa, 2000; Al-Krenawi & Graham, 1997).

The first author portrays, in vivid detail, his experiences trying to reconcile his social work training within Northern-based universities, on the one hand, with his own lived experiences as a practicing professional and community member of Bedouin-Arab society, (Al-Krenawi, 1998a). His father compelled him, through culturally constructed analogy and metaphor, to integrate, rather than overlook, the thinking and practices of his home community. This, perhaps, was the most germane advice the author received (Al-Krenawi, 1998a).

It is important to stress that these experiences are not peculiar to the Muslim Arab world alone, but also include colonized peoples in Asia, Latin America, and Africa. In the post-colonial 1960s and 1970s, the South (e.g., Asia, Latin America, Africa) advocated a localized knowledge that would provide people with the relevance, meaning and cultural knowledge adequately to address their economic and social needs (Chau, 1995; Deer & Erdoes, 1998; Freire, 1998). For example, some scholars call for a social work knowledge base and profession that is variously African (Osei, 1996), or Indian (Nagpaul, 1996). The historical domination of Northern social work thought is increasingly challenged not only in the South (Henry, Taro, Mattis & Rees, 1995; Midgley, 1997; Schiele, 1996), but also in the North (Asamoath, Healy & Mayadas, 1997; Ragab, 1990). For example, a model of multicultural and anti-oppressive social work (Al-Krenawi & Graham, 2003; Mullally, 2002) is now more prevalent--and appropriately so, given the diverse nature of most Northern societies. Since the late 1980s, some in the North have also called for the 'internationalization' of social work education, in which domestic and international curricula are no longer separated, but converge towards a global perspective (Asamoath, Healy & Mayadas, 1997; Midgely, 1981).

DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIAL WORK PROFESSION IN THE ARAB WORLD

Ragab (1995) traces the historical development of social work as a profession in the Arab world: it is a product of both French and British colonialism. This discussion concentrates on Egypt, an especially influential part of Arab world social work history. In 1935, Egypt became the recipient of a predominantly American model of social work education and practice. Beginning in the 1960s, other Arab countries designed and implemented their own social work education programs (e.g., Saudi Arabia, Libya, Iraq, Syria, Kuwait, Qatar, United Arab Emirates) often with the assistance of Egyptian-trained social work educators. The proliferation of social work as a profession in the Arab world was juxtaposed with the struggle for independence and an end to colonialism. It is important to stress the influence of Northern social work programs in two respects. The first is how Northern assumptions have boon important in Arab world social work programs. This occurs through historical inertia already referred to, and into the present day with widespread incorporation of Northern texts, theories, and methods into Arab world social work training (Ragab, 199S). The second is the influence upon students who study social work in the North and return to an Arab world community to practice. In both instances, graduates retain Northern assumptions that are implicit in their training.

The past 40 years has brought about two significant processes for the development of social work education and practice in the Muslim Arab world. The first is localization, already referred to. The second, which is closely associated with the first, is an Islamic reorientation of social work. One proponent argues that Islam should transform social work, such that the profession is no longer a "simple transplantation" from North to South (Hakim Sarker & Ahmadullah, 1995, p. 373). Another social work scholar calls for an "Islamic reorientation of social work" in the Muslim Arab world, describing it as "the ultimate indigenisation stance ... to correct the traditional bias against religion in the social work profession" (Ragab, 1995, pp. 282-3). In order to localize social work within Muslim communities, Ragab (1995) argues that Islamic theology and worldviews should be integrated with "the best of behavioural/social sciences" and "rigorously verified observations and generalizations" (p. 291).

But social work theory has yet to elaborate how to extend and apply this agenda. Indeed, the...