Prime-Time Representations of Female Federal Agents in Television Dramas
| Author | Candace D. Blanfort,John A. Browne,Tammy S. Garland,Ashley G. Blackburn |
| DOI | 10.1177/1557085117693089 |
| Published date | 01 December 2018 |
| Date | 01 December 2018 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
research-article2017
Article
Feminist Criminology
2018, Vol. 13(5) 609 –631
Prime-Time Representations
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Television Dramas
Tammy S. Garland1, Ashley G. Blackburn2,
John A. Browne1, and Candace D. Blanfort3
Abstract
Television crime programs not only impart messages regarding the nature of crime
and criminal justice but also aid in the creation of stereotypes regarding females
working in law enforcement. Using a mixed-methods approach, the study analyzes a
sample of prime-time crime dramas to examine issues of employment, discrimination,
sexualization, and victimization within series episodes. Although portrayals of female
law enforcement officers have improved, female characters continue to face issues
of discrimination and victimization. The manner in which these messages may be
cultivated and disseminated and what this means for consumers, especially women
interested in law enforcement careers, are explored.
Keywords
women as professionals in criminal justice, policing, gender discrimination,
victimization, popular culture
Introduction
With the release of Silence of the Lambs (Bozman, Saxon, Utt, & Demme, 1991), the
nature in which female law enforcement characters were portrayed in popular culture
was dramatically altered. Holding the title of top heroine by the American Film Institute
(2016), Clarice Starling became the poster girl for the image of women working in
federal agencies; she was portrayed as a youthful and inexperienced student at the
1University of Tennessee at Chattanooga, TN, USA
2University of Houston Downtown, TX, USA
3Florida International University, Miami, USA
Corresponding Author:
Tammy S. Garland, University of Tennessee at Chattanooga, 615 McCallie Avenue #3203, Chattanooga,
TN 37403, USA.
Email: Tammy-Garland@utc.edu
610
Feminist Criminology 13(5)
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Training Academy when she was tasked with
aiding in the investigation of a serial killer (i.e., Buffalo Bill). Although it is revealed
that Starling had a difficult childhood wrought with trauma, as commonly seen among
female law enforcement characters in film (Wilson & Blackburn, 2014), she, rather
than her male counterparts, saved the day, eliminated the perpetrator, and rescued the
intended victim before backup arrived. Her heroic efforts lead her to being promoted to
the rank of Special Agent Starling, cementing her place within the FBI.
Starling represents one of the most well-known female law enforcement characters
portrayed on the big screen. Regardless, her initial depiction was portrayed as one who
was naive and ill-equipped for a male-dominated career. Many female heroines, in
both film and television, have faced similar challenges, especially in their quest to
become a respected member of the law enforcement community. Although they are
often accepted as “one of the boys” (Wilson & Blackburn, 2014) and are depicted as
the hero, they continue to be portrayed in stereotypical manner even when they become
the heroine. Stereotypes, as noted by Lindsey (1997), are “oversimplified conceptions
that people who belong to the same group share certain traits in common” (p. 2).
Although not all stereotypes are negative, they are often used in a disparaging manner
to promote inequality, and in the case of gender, sexism.
Television crime dramas have taken characters like Special Agent Starling from the
big screen to the small screen. From Special Agent Dana Scully on the X Files to
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Agent Carrie Mathison on Homeland, each week,
viewers can tune in to their favorite crime drama to watch the characters delve into
their latest investigation. Nielsen Media research has consistently ranked prime-time
crime dramas as some of the most popular series among viewers (DeTardo-Bora,
2009; Flint, 2015). During the 2013-2014 season, half of the top 10 prime-time televi-
sion shows were crime dramas. These crime dramas included shows such as Naval
Criminal Investigative Service (NCIS), NCIS: Los Angeles, The Blacklist, Person of
Interest, and Blue Bloods. Other shows including Criminal Minds, Castle, Crime
Scene Investigation (CSI), Elementary, and Hawaii Five-O have ranked in the top 25
prime-time shows. These shows depict law enforcement characters working cases for
various agencies including local law enforcement departments (e.g., New York Police
Department, Las Vegas Police Department) and federal agencies (e.g., FBI, NCIS,
CIA). The accuracy of these portrayals and the extent to which these crime dramas
affect perceptions about law enforcement should be of interest given that citizens par-
ticipate in the criminal justice system each day as jurors (see Kopacki, 2013), criminal
justice professionals, witnesses, victims, and offenders. In addition, such portrayals
may affect whether young adults consider law enforcement as a potential career option.
Of special interest is how the media portray underrepresented groups, specifically
women, working within the criminal justice system. Recently, studies have examined
portrayals of females as municipal law enforcement officers in film (see Wilson &
Blackburn, 2014) and females working within the criminal justice system as a whole
(DeTardo-Bora, 2009). However, little research has been conducted solely on the
female federal agent, as portrayed in television crime dramas. Based on DeTardo-
Bora’s (2009) analysis of women in prime-time crime dramas, the present study looks
Garland et al.
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to fill this gap by examining the depiction of female federal law enforcement officers.
Specifically, we ask whether female federal agents are underrepresented as agents in
prime-time dramas compared with their male counterparts, whether they are exposed
to gender stereotypes and discrimination, whether they are overly sexualized, and
whether they are more likely than male characters to be victimized. Both quantitative
and qualitative analyses are used to examine the research questions.
Literature Review
Although women have been serving in a law enforcement capacity since the early
nineteenth century, their foray into the profession has been anything but welcoming.
Women first entered into the criminal justice profession as prison matrons beginning
in the early 1800s to assist in the supervision of women in the correctional system
(Alpert, Dunham, & Stroshine, 2006; Feinman, 1994; Wilson & Blackburn, 2014);
however, women did not enter into traditional law enforcement roles until the early
1900s. Women like Lola Baldwin and Alice Stebbins Wells blazed a trail for females
in local law enforcement agencies. In addition, female FBI agents were appointed as
early as the 1920s (FBI, 2012), although two of the three female agents, Jessie B.
Duckstein and Alaska P. Davidson, resigned shortly after J. Edgar Hoover was named
Director of the FBI in 1924. Although Hoover appointed Lenore Houston as a special
agent in 1924, she also resigned in 1928. Following these resignations, it was not until
1972 that two females, Joanne Pierce and Susan Roley, were allowed entry into and
successfully completed the FBI Training Academy at Quantico, Virginia (FBI, 2012).
In reality, it was the ruling by the Civil Service Commission in 1971 that women
could carry firearms that opened the door for women in federal law enforcement agen-
cies (e.g., Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, and Firearms [ATF], Drug Enforcement
Administration [DEA], FBI, Secret Service; Feinman, 1994). Although women enter-
ing into federal law enforcement in the 1970s faced physical and administrative chal-
lenges, they persevered, and some female agents, such as Special Agent Birdie Pasenelli,
rose to higher ranks within the FBI. But until recently, with the promotion of several
federal agents to top positions, Special Agent Pasenelli was the exception (see Yu,
2015). Although women’s involvement as law enforcement officers remains limited,
recent research has documented that female representation in the law enforcement pro-
fession has grown especially in federal agencies (Langston, 2010). Still, few females,
regardless of whether the agency is at the local, state, or federal levels, advance to
supervisory and command positions within their agencies (Guajardo, 2016).
Although recent employment research has shown increases in women working for
the federal government and advances in pay equality (Langston, 2010; U.S. Merit
Systems Protection Board, 2011), the hiring of female federal employees actually
decreased from 43% in 2000 to 37% in 2012 (“MSPB Examines Hiring,” 2014). In
2009, women held 44% of federal professional and administrative positions and 30% of
senior executive service positions (U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board, 2011).
Although women constitute 42.7% of the federal workforce (Partnership for Public
Service, 2014), they accounted for only 15.5% of federal officers with arrest and firearm
612
Feminist Criminology 13(5)
authority in 2008 (Reaves, 2012). The federal agencies with the highest proportion of
female officers include the U.S. Courts, the Internal Revenue Service, the U.S. Postal
Inspection Service, the FBI, the National Park Service Rangers, and the U.S. Capital
Police (Reaves, 2012). As of September...
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