Pricing of Transport Networks, Redistribution, and Optimal Taxation

AuthorANTONIO RUSSO
Published date01 October 2015
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jpet.12103
Date01 October 2015
PRICING OF TRANSPORT NETWORKS,REDISTRIBUTION,
AND OPTIMAL TAXATION
ANTONIO RUSSO
KOF Swiss Economic Institute
Abstract
The author studies optimal pricing of roads and public
transport in the presence of nonlinear income taxation. In-
dividuals are heterogeneous in unobservable earning abil-
ity. Optimal transport tariffs depend on time costs of travel
and work schedule adjustments (days and hours worked per
day) as a response to commuting costs. The author finds
that discounts for low-income individuals are optimal only
if the time cost of a trip is small enough. Lower travel time
costs facilitate screening; therefore, redistribution provides
an additional motive for congestion pricing. Finally, the
study investigates the desirability of means-testing of trans-
port tariffs.
1. Introduction
It is often argued that prices on urban transport networks should reflect
social costs of travel. As roads suffer from congestion externalities, economic
theory suggests that congestion pricing can increase efficiency. Clearly,
this may also have an impact on the distribution of welfare across society.
Indeed, policymakers often care about redistribution when designing
prices for publicly provided transport infrastructure. Concerns of a possible
regressive effect recently impeded the introduction of road pricing in
Antonio Russo, KOF ETH Zurich, Leonhardstrasse 21, 8092, Zurich, Switzerland
(russo@kof.ethz.ch).
I thank Georges Casamatta, Helmuth Cremer, Bruno De Borger, Philippe De Donder,
Jean-Marie Lozachmeur, Stef Proost, Emmanuel Thibault, the editor, and two anonymous
referees for useful comments and suggestions. All errors are mine.
Received June 26, 2013; Accepted July 11, 2013.
C2013 Wiley Periodicals, Inc.
Journal of Public Economic Theory, 17 (5), 2015, pp. 605–640.
605
606 Journal of Public Economic Theory
New York City and Paris.1Plans for a road pricing scheme in San Francisco
include a tariff discount to low-income drivers. Moreover, discounted public
transport fares are commonly granted to less affluent households. This is
the case, to make an example, of the “Forfaits Solidarit´
e Transport” in the
French Ile-de-France region. Furthermore, governments often subsidize
commuting expenditures (e.g., through tax exemptions) for reasons that
include helping disadvantaged workers.
Economic literature has looked at redistributive issues in pricing of trans-
portation infrastructure (Small and Verhoef 2007). However, it has done so
(with an important exception discussed later) ignoring the presence of in-
come taxation. This leaves open the question of whether such concerns are
actually relevant, as they could possibly be addressed with appropriately de-
signed income taxes. The main objective of this paper is to study such a
question. I consider the problem of a welfare-maximizing government that
designs both income taxes and tariffs for roads and public transportation.2
Individuals are heterogeneous in (exogenous) earning ability, which is as-
sumed to be private information, as is their labor supply. Thus, the govern-
ment faces self-selection constraints that may limit welfare redistribution. To
keep the setup as simple as possible, I use a model with only two types of
individuals (´
alaStiglitz 1982).
It is well established that nonlinear tariffs are a crucial ingredient of
efficient pricing policies in network industries (Wilson 1993). They are
drawing increasing interest also in transportation, although their potential
redistributive role (recognized in other regulated industries, such as en-
ergy or telecommunications) has not been explored.3This is why I con-
sider them in this paper. Nonetheless, nonlinear pricing of transport services
may not always be implementable (at least at reasonable costs).4Hence, I
also look at the case in which the government is constrained to use linear
tariffs.
Previous public finance literature has studied how (if at all) a gov-
ernment that can use income taxes should deviate, due to distributional
1In a recent interview, New York State Assemblyman Richard L. Brodsky said he opposed
its introduction “for the reason that these schemes put the burden for paying the fees on
blue blood and blue collar alike” (see New York Times, “Congestion Pricing: Just Another
Regressive Tax?” http://www.nytimes.com)
2The term “tariff” should be given a broad interpretation here: since the government
controls taxes and prices, tariffs I describe may result not only from fares or tolls, but also
from commuting subsidies in the form of tax deductions.
3See Wang, Lindsey, and Yang(2011) for a study of nonlinear pricing of tolled roads and
Batarce and Ivaldi (2011) for public transportation. Cremer and Gahvari (2002) study
nonlinear pricing by a regulated firm in the presence of optimal income taxation.
4It is indeed quite demanding in informational terms, since observability of individual trip
quantities is necessary. This information is not rarely available though: for example, most
road pricing schemes involve the use of electronic tolling systems that keep track of indi-
vidual accesses to the tolled road. Moreover,governments often h ave accessto commuting
data collected by employers. I discuss feasibility issues at the end of Section 2.
Pricing of Transport Networks 607
concerns, from correcting externalities (Cremer, Gahvari, and Ladoux 1998,
Bovenberg and Goulder 2002, Kaplow 2006). However, it has disregarded
two relevant features for transportation, which are central in my analysis.
The first is that consumption of transport goods requires travel time.
Boadway and Gahvari (2006) and Gahvari (2007) consider time of consump-
tion in an optimal redistributive taxation framework. They do not consider
externalities.5Mayeres and Proost (1997) study optimal redistributive
taxation in the presence of congestion externalities, but restrict attention
to linear taxes. Using such an approach, pricing of transport infrastructure
may be a means to compensate for inappropriate tax instruments. I do not
impose restrictions on the design of income taxes (it is constrained only by
the available information).
A second key feature of my setup is that I explicitly model the relation
between travel and labor supply. Individuals can decide the number of
days at the workplace (which require commuting) and daily work effort,
measured by the length of working days (i.e., daily work hours). Although
employers may allow little flexibility in adjusting days and hours worked, in-
dividuals may choose between jobs offering different schedules: for instance,
a job with either a four-days-a-week schedule or a five-days-a-week one requir-
ing shorter daily shifts.6Intuitively, the presence of commuting costs may
encourage to choose the former.7However, productivity may diminish when
the length of working days increases. This is due to fatigue and difficulty in
scheduling more work activities in a single day. For example, opportunities
to interact with colleagues or customers might be diminished when working
at early or late hours. Hence, in my setup, substituting working days for
more daily effort implies a penalty in terms of hourly productivity.
While labor supply plays a central role in models of income taxation,
little attention has been dedicated to the impact of policies that affect com-
muting to work. Parry and Bento (2001) and Van Dender (2003) consider
5Cremer et al. (1998) and Kaplow (2006) studied environmental levies in the pres-
ence of nonlinear income taxation. They consider a model where commodities do not
require any time for consumption. Moreover, they focus on externalities that do not affect
the marginal cost of consuming goods, unlike traffic congestion. An optimal taxation
model with time as input for activities and congestion externalities is also studied in De
Borger (2011). He uses a representative agent framework.
6Looking at German data, Guti´
errez-i-Puigarnau and van Ommeren (2010) find that
about 16% of workers have changed the number of workdays over the period of observa-
tion (1997 to 2007). They also note that while the proportion of workers that work exactly
five days per week is high (83%), it is falling over time. Much greater variation is found in
daily hours. Similar evidence (for United States and Germany) is reported in Hamermesh
(1996). Both suggest that workers satisfy their demand for different schedules mostly by
changing jobs.
7Commuters may also have other margins of flexibility in responding to changes in travel
costs: they may change residence or shift travel to off-peak hours (Arnott, De Palma, and
Lindsey 1993). A discussion of their likely impact on my results is provided in the conclud-
ing remarks.

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