Price competition and reputation in markets for experience goods: an experimental study

Published date01 February 2016
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1756-2171.12120
AuthorJean‐Robert Tyran,Steffen Huck,Gabriele K. Lünser
Date01 February 2016
RAND Journal of Economics
Vol.47, No. 1, Spring 2016
pp. 99–117
Price competition and reputation in markets
for experience goods: an experimental study
Steffen Huck
Gabriele K. L¨
unser∗∗
and
Jean-Robert Tyran∗∗∗
Weexperimentally examine the effects of price competition in markets for experience goods where
sellers can build up reputationsfor quality. Wecompare price competition to monopolistic markets
and markets where prices are exogenously fixed. Although oligopolies benefit consumers regard-
less of whether prices are fixed or endogenously chosen, we find that price competition lowers
efficiency as consumers pay too little attention to reputation for quality. This provides empirical
support to recent models in behavioral industrial organization that assume that consumers may,
with increasing complexity of the marketplace, focus on selected dimensions of products.
1. Introduction
The last decade has seen a flourishing theoretical literature in behavioral industrial organiza-
tion (for a survey, see Huck and Zhou, 2011; for a textbooktreatment, Spiegler, 2011). Although
this literature has received widespread attention among policy makers, there is still only scant
empirical evidence on the interaction between boundedly rational consumer behavior and com-
petition. A notable exception is a recent experimental study by Kalayci and Potters (2011) who
examine duopolies where sellers can increase the complexity of their pricing strategies. In line
with theoretical predictions, they find that sellers make use of complex pricing and successfully
create confusion among consumers, thus, increasing their profits.
Our study adds to this evidence by documenting howconsumers who face two dimensions of
offers, a seller’s reputation for quality and price, start to focus on one of these, price. This mirrors
assumptions made in a number of theoretical behavioral industrial organization (IO) articles,
WZB Berlin and UCL; steffen.huck@wzb.eu.
∗∗UCL and ELSE; gabriele.luenser@gmail.com.
∗∗∗University of Vienna and University of Copenhagen; jean-robert.tyran@univie.ac.at.
Huck and L¨
unser acknowledge financial support from the Economic and Social Research Council (UK) via ELSE and
an additional grant on “Trust and competition.” Huck is also grateful for additional funding by the Leverhulme Trust and
the ERC grant “Investors’ expectations: measuring their nature and effect.” Tyran acknowledges financial support from
the Norwegian Research Council under Project no. 212996/F10. An earlier version of this article was circulated under
the title “Pricing and trust.”
C2016, The RAND Corporation. 99
100 / THE RAND JOURNAL OF ECONOMICS
notably Spiegler (2006). Consumers’ focus on price drives down prices to the Bertrand level but
at the same time lowers quality when compared to exogenously fixed prices. As a consequence,
total welfare is reduced.
We implement our investigation in the context of a market for experience goods. Buyers of
an experience good are uncertain about its quality before they buy but learn (or experience) the
good’s quality after having bought and consumed it. Experience goods cover the broad middle
ground between the extremes of goods involvingno quality uncertainty at all (so-called inspection
or search goods) and goods for which quality is not fully revealed even after the consumption
(credence goods). Whenever contracts for the exchange of a good are incomplete and sellers have
leeway to shade its quality about which the consumer finds out only if it is too late, the good in
question is an experience good. Hence, many are.
A key role in markets for such goods is assumed by trust. Buyers may buy an experience
good if they trust sellers to provide high quality and will abstain if they do not. In other words,
trust induces the demand for experience goods. In contrast, lack of trust impedes mutually
advantageous transactions and results in low market efficiency.
Weexperimentally examine the effects of flexible and fixed prices in markets for experience
goods. To the best of our knowledge, ours is the first study to investigate the role of price
competition and reputations in markets for experience goods. We study two types of markets,
monopolies and four-firm oligopolies. In both cases, buyers can observe previous histories of
sellers (their reputations) and the chosen or exogenouslyset price before they make their decisions.
With flexible prices, we observe low prices and high quality in competitive (oligopolistic)
markets and high prices coupled with low quality in noncompetitive (monopolistic) markets. We
then introduce a regulated intermediate price roughly halfway between the observed oligopoly
and monopoly prices. The effect in monopolies is pretty much as standard intuition wouldpredict.
As price falls, volume increases and so does the quality of traded goods. Both effects imply a
rise in efficiency of around 50%. Surprisingly, the same effects occur when we introduce the
regulated intermediate price in oligopolies. In contrast to standard intuition, demand does not fall
in reaction to the price increase and quality rises even further, rendering the regulated oligopoly
the most efficient market by far.
This counterintuitive effect of price regulation can be explained as follows. Under
unregulated Bertrand competition, consumers start to ignore reputations and focus on price
when choosing a seller. Consequently, prices fall to a very low level where buyers’ damage
from buying a “lemon” is getting small, which adds to consumers’ “careless” focus on price.
If, on the other hand, higher prices are exogenously imposed, buyers are forced to pay more
attention to reputations—after all, reputations are now the only attribute that differs between
sellers—and buying from a low-quality firm does hurt them now much more substantially. With
regulated prices, firms lose one of their two “marketing instruments.” The only dimension they
can now compete on is quality. Thus, there are demand- and supply-induced forces that push
up quality. In unregulated oligopolies, almost 20% of all traded goods are lemons (despite an
accurate eBay-style feedback mechanism that allows all buyers to track the entire history of all
sellers). With price regulation, the lemon share falls to just 6%. This increase in quality also
more than offsets the increase in price such that also the trade volume is higher despite the higher
price.1
The causal chain in monopolies has only two simple steps. There, a lower regulated price
increases demand as textbooks would have it. The increase in demand is such that it becomes
more costly for monopolists to lose the trust buyers place in them and, consequently, they supply
higher average quality.
1This complex relation between price, quality, and trust is at the core of an interesting book in the management
literature (Sako, 1992) comparing interfirm relations in Britain (low price, low trust, low quality) and Japan (high price,
high trust, high quality).
C
The RAND Corporation 2016.

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