Prejudice or Principled Conservatism? Racial Resentment and White Opinion toward Paying College Athletes
| Author | Tatishe M. Nteta,Melinda R. Tarsi,Kevin Wallsten,Lauren A. McCarthy |
| Published date | 01 March 2017 |
| Date | 01 March 2017 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1177/1065912916685186 |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
research-article2017
Article
Political Research Quarterly
2017, Vol. 70(1) 209 –222
Prejudice or Principled Conservatism?
© 2017 University of Utah
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Racial Resentment and White Opinion
https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912916685186
DOI: 10.1177/1065912916685186
journals.sagepub.com/home/prq
toward Paying College Athletes
Kevin Wallsten1, Tatishe M. Nteta2, Lauren A. McCarthy2,
and Melinda R. Tarsi3
Abstract
Despite its widespread use in studies of race and ethnic politics, there exists a long-standing debate about whether
racial resentment primarily measures antiblack prejudice or ideological conservatism. In this paper, we attempt to
resolve this debate by examining racial resentment’s role in shaping white opinion on a “racialized” policy issue
that involves no federal action and no government redistribution of resources: “pay for play” in college athletics.
Using cross-sectional and experimental data from the 2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and Amazon’s
Mechanical Turk, we find evidence not only that racial resentment items tap racial predispositions but also that whites
rely on these predispositions when forming and expressing their views on paying college athletes. More specifically, we
demonstrate that racially resentful whites who were subtly primed to think about African Americans are more likely
to express opposition to paying college athletes when compared with similarly resentful whites who were primed
to think about whites. Because free-market conservatism, resistance to changes in the status quo, opposition to
expanding federal power, and reluctance to endorse government redistributive policies cannot possibly explain these
results, we conclude that racial resentment is a valid measure of antiblack prejudice.
Keywords
public opinion, conservatism, racial resentment, college athletes, racial policies
Introduction
racial resentment provide a valid method for assessing
antiblack prejudice, others argue that the items reveal lit-
The United States has witnessed a sea change in whites’
tle more than a respondent’s commitment to ideological
racial attitudes over the last half-century. In one of the
conservatism (Carmines, Sniderman, and Easter 2011;
signature shifts of American public opinion, overwhelm-
Feldman and Huddy 2005; Schuman 2000; Sniderman
ing majorities of whites have renounced beliefs about the
et al. 1991; Sniderman and Piazza 1995; Sniderman and
biological inferiority of African Americans, rejected
Tetlock 1986).
institutionalized forms of discrimination, and endorsed
The debate about racial resentment has produced more
norms of racial and ethnic equality (Schuman et al. 1997).
heat than light over the last few decades, however. We
Despite this evolution in attitudes, however, many schol-
believe that this contentiousness is largely a function of
ars claim that antiblack prejudice still plays a prominent
the fact that scholars have chosen poor testing grounds on
role in shaping how whites see the political world.
which to conduct their evaluations of the concept’s valid-
Specifically, a large body of research shows that racial
ity. Specifically, empirical work on the role that racial
resentment—a subtle form of racism justified by the
resentment plays in shaping white opinions frequently
belief that African Americans make excessive demands
on government and violate cherished American values—
1
shapes white opinion on everything from criminal justice
California State University, Long Beach, USA
2
policy (Green, Staerkle, and Sears 2006) to gun owner-
University of Massachusetts Amherst, USA
3Bridgewater State University, MA, USA
ship (O’Brien et al. 2013).
The measurement of racial resentment has been the
Corresponding Author:
subject of numerous methodological debates over the last
Tatishe M. Nteta, Department of Political Science, University of
Massachusetts Amherst, 408 Thompson Hall, Amherst, MA 01003,
thirty years (Sears and Henry 2005). Although some
USA.
scholars argue that the survey items used to measure
Email: nteta@polsci.umass.edu
210
Political Research Quarterly 70(1)
focuses on issues involving explicit (or implicit) redis-
college athletes to openly question the legality of the
tributive action by the federal government on behalf of
NCAA’s practices in recent years (Branch 2011; Edelman
African Americans. Given that racial resentment “[melds]
2013; Nocera and Strauss 2016). In 2009, for example, for-
ordinary conservatism with some racial animosity” mer University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) basket-
(Valentino and Sears 2005, 674), it is invariably difficult
ball player Ed O’Bannon filed a class action lawsuit against
for these studies to definitively identify whether there is a
the NCAA and the gaming company EA Sports, which
prejudicial component to racial resentment (Sniderman
argued that the NCAA violated antitrust law by failing to
and Tetlock 1986; Zigerell 2015).
compensate current and former college athletes for using
Do the questions typically used to assess racial resent-
their likenesses in video games.2 In 2014, football players
ment provide valid measures of white racial prejudice? To
from Northwestern University successfully petitioned a
answer this question, we examine racial resentment’s role
regional director at the National Labor Relations Board
in shaping white opinion on a “racialized” policy issue
(NLRB) to be certified as employees of the university so
with no federal involvement and no government redistribu-
that they could vote on forming a union.3
tion of resources: “pay for play” in college athletics.
The broadening debate over the treatment of college
Relying on cross-sectional and experimental data from the
athletes is between, on one side, the NCAA and the uni-
2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES)
versities it represents and, on the other, college athletes
and Amazon’s Mechanical Turk, we find evidence not only
and their advocates. The NCAA argues that college ath-
that racial resentment items tap racial predispositions but
letes are “students first and athletes second” and that their
also that whites rely on these predispositions when form-
payment is delivered in the form of scholarships.
ing and expressing their views on paying college athletes.
According to the NCAA, the institution of a “pay for
More specifically, we demonstrate that racially resentful
play” program would undermine the mission of the uni-
whites who were subtly primed to think about African
versity by turning amateur athletes into professionals. In
Americans are more likely to express opposition to paying
addition, the NCAA argues that most college sports do
college athletes when compared with similarly resentful
not bring in enough revenue to break even, and paying
whites who were primed to think about whites. Because
players would only serve to make the few programs that
key elements of contemporary conservatism cannot possi-
do unattractive to fans and, therefore, insolvent.
bly explain these results, we conclude that racial resent-
On the contrary, college athletes argue that they work
ment is in fact a valid measure of antiblack prejudice.
hours that are equivalent to a full-time job, leaving them
little control over their schedules and little time to take
Background on National Collegiate
advantage of the educational opportunities provided to
Athletic Association (NCAA)
them through their scholarships. Meanwhile, proponents
Compensation Policies
of “pay for play” argue that universities profit greatly
from the seemingly endless well of low-cost labor in the
In 2016, the NCAA announced an eight-year, $8.8-billion
form of gate revenues, corporate sponsorships, and sale of
extension to their existing fourteen-year, $10.8-billion
merchandise. In addition, college athletes argue that many
agreement with CBS and Turner Sports to broadcast the
scholarships do not cover the full costs of attending col-
NCAA men’s basketball tournament. In 2012, ESPN
lege and are unfairly based on year-to-year performance
secured the media rights to college football’s Bowl
(Branch 2011; Edelman 2013; Nocera and Strauss 2016).
Championship Series (BCS) by agreeing to a twelve-
The issue of increasing financial compensation for
year, $7-billion contract with the nation’s top football
college athletes is implicitly about race because the per-
conferences. These contracts represent only the most
ceived but unspoken beneficiaries of any change to the
recent and noteworthy examples of the manner in which
current system are African Americans. Indeed, African
the NCAA, individual athletic conferences, and universi-
American men are dramatically overrepresented in the
ties have generated huge revenue through broadcasting
ranks of the NCAA football and basketball programs rel-
deals, televised tournaments, corporate sponsorships, and
ative to their numbers in the overall collegiate population.
ticket and merchandise sales. According to some report-
For instance, in the nation’s six largest athletic confer-
ing, college athletics is now one of the most profitable
ences between the years 2007 and 2010, African American
businesses in all of sports.1
men were only 2.8 percent of full-time degree seeking
Although professional sports leagues...
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