Predicting Re-Incarceration Status of Prisoners in Contemporary China: Applying Western Criminological Theories

Published date01 March 2018
AuthorYunhan Zhao,Jianhong Liu,Steven F. Messner
Date01 March 2018
DOI10.1177/0306624X16669142
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X16669142
International Journal of
Offender Therapy and
Comparative Criminology
2018, Vol. 62(4) 1018 –1042
© The Author(s) 2016
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DOI: 10.1177/0306624X16669142
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Article
Predicting Re-Incarceration
Status of Prisoners in
Contemporary China:
Applying Western
Criminological Theories
Steven F. Messner1, Jianhong Liu2, and Yunhan Zhao1
Abstract
Studies have revealed that self-control theory, social learning theory, and strain theory
are useful in explaining criminal activity in China. Previous research with Chinese data,
however, has focused almost exclusively on samples of adolescents and the minor types
of offending that are typically captured in such samples. The present study builds upon
prior work by considering the extent to which these three major etiological theories
of crime can help differentiate between profiles of Chinese prisoners categorized
with respect to re-incarceration status. Specifically, we derive hypotheses that predict
prisoners’ status as first-time inmates or inmates with multiple incarcerations. These
hypotheses are assessed with recently collected data for a sample of approximately
1,800 prisoners in Southern China. The results reveal that indicators of peer criminality,
low self-control, and negative emotions (a theorized outcome of experiences of strain)
are all positively associated with re-incarceration status.
Keywords
re-incarceration, China, self-control, strain, peer criminality
Introduction
Comparative criminology has followed a rather curious life-course over the years. As
Howard, Newman, and Pridemore (2000, p. 141) observed in their essay prepared for the
National Institute of Justice’s four-volume report Criminal Justice 2000, “comparative
1University at Albany, State University of New York, USA
2University of Macau, Taipa, China
Corresponding Author:
Steven F. Messner, Distinguished Teaching Professor of Sociology, University at Albany, State University
of New York, 1400 Washington Avenue, Albany, NY 12222, USA.
Email: smessner@albany.edu
669142IJOXXX10.1177/0306624X16669142International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative CriminologyMessner et al.
research-article2016
Messner et al. 1019
criminology is as old as criminology itself.” Prominent Enlightenment scholars such as
Bentham, Voltaire, Helvetius, and Quetelet recognized the value of comparative inquiry,
systematically contrasting features of crime and justice in their own nations with those
of others. Interest in such comparisons waned throughout much of the 19th and early
20th century, “as nations looked inward” (Howard et al., 2000, p. 141). Comparative
inquiry once again began to capture the interest of criminologists in the middle years of
the 20th century—a development that Bennett (1980) characterized as an especially ben-
eficial “revival.” Yet 20 years after Bennett’s pronouncement of this welcome develop-
ment, Farrington (2000, p. 5) offered a less optimistic appraisal of the vitality of
comparative criminology in his 2000 Presidential Address to the American Society of
Criminology. He lamented that “cross-national comparative studies in criminology are
important but relatively infrequent.”
The situation has changed dramatically during the past decade and a half following
Farrington’s address. A burgeoning literature in criminology has emerged that has
been “comparative,” although understood in different ways. As Bennett (2004)
explained in his Presidential Address to the American Academy of Criminal Justice
Sciences, two important dimensions that differentiate among comparative strategies
are their scope and their data.1 Some comparative studies entail comparisons for two
nations or for a small number of nations with data collected from each of those nations.
Another type of comparative research is multinational in the sense of being based on
multivariate statistical analyses of data recorded for large samples of nations. Yet other
studies are comparative in the sense of taking theories that were developed in a par-
ticular sociocultural context and assessing their applicability in a single nation that
provides a very different sociocultural context from that in which the theories were
originally formulated. Such studies are typically directed toward assessing the gener-
alizability of criminological theories (see also Bennett, 1980; Kohn, 1987).
Our analyses pursue this latter objective of comparative criminology. Specifically, we
build upon the fairly substantial and growing body of work that has examined the extent
to which prominent Western criminological theories can be generalized to contemporary
China. China constitutes a particularly strategic setting for assessing the generalizability
of Western theories because, as Chen emphasized in his comparative analyses of the role
of formal and informal controls, Chinese society exhibits “unique cultures and tradi-
tions.” As a result, Chinese and Western societies represent “two different extremes with
respect to the nature of social and legal control” (Chen, 2004, p. 523).
Despite these pronounced sociocultural differences, three prominent etiological
theories—social learning theory, strain theory, and self-control theory—have proven
to be useful in explaining delinquency in China, although the patterns occasionally
differ somewhat from those more commonly reported in the West. A limitation of pre-
vious research, however, is the almost exclusive focus on samples of adolescents and
on the minor types of offending that are typically captured in such samples.2 The pur-
pose of the present research is to build upon prior work by considering the extent to
which these three major etiological theories of crime—social learning theory, strain
theory, and self-control theory—can help differentiate between profiles of Chinese
prisoners categorized with respect to re-incarceration status. Specifically, we derive

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