Power Bloc Legitimation Strategies in a Dependent Society: The Case of Argentina (2001–2019)

AuthorFrancisco J. Cantamutto
Published date01 March 2022
Date01 March 2022
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X211069563
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0094582X211069563
LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES, Issue 243, Vol. 49 No. 2, March 2022, 163–182
DOI: 10.1177/0094582X211069563
© 2022 Latin American Perspectives
163
Power Bloc Legitimation Strategies in a Dependent Society
The Case of Argentina (2001–2019)
by
Francisco J. Cantamutto
Translated by
Victoria Furio
Argentina is a dependent country whose incorporation into the world market has deep-
ened in the last decades. The question that arises is how it has been possible to politically
legitimize this regressive trend. A study of the combinations of two structural mechanisms
of dependency (extractivism and superexploitation of the workforce) with respect to the
building of legitimacy shows a shift from a consensual strategy led by the industrial frac-
tion—which seized the opportunity to redistribute land rent—to one centered on the
power bloc as a whole in opposition to the popular classes. While extractivism increased
throughout the period, superexploitation of the workforce displayed different phases of
augmentation and attenuation depending on the power bloc’s political strategies.
Argentina es un país dependiente cuyos rasgos de inserción externa se han profun-
dizado en las últimas décadas. El interrogante que emerge es cómo ha sido posible legiti-
mar políticamente esta tendencia regresiva. Un estudio de las combinaciones de dos
mecanismos estructurales de la dependencia (extractivismo y superexplotación) de las
posibilidades de las fracciones del bloque en el poder para construir legitimidad demues-
tra un cambio desde una estrategia consensual dirigida por la fracción industrial—apr-
ovechando la posibilidad de redistribuir renta de la tierra—a una centrada en el conjunto
del bloque en el poder y contraria a las clases populares. Mientras el extractivismo se
intensificó durante todo el período, la superexplotación de la fuerza de trabajo mostró
diferentes fases de intensificación y morigeración, según las estrategias políticas del blo-
que en el poder.
Keywords: Dependency, Argentina, Power bloc, Superexploitation, Extractivism
This article studies the strategies of dominant classes to legitimize their con-
trol in Argentina, a dependent society. In this context, it is worth examining
consensus building—or its absence—among the popular classes and how this
relates to the structural compensation mechanisms of dependency, the super-
exploitation of the workforce and extractivism. Is there a relationship between
the predominance of one of these mechanisms and the leading fractions of the
power bloc?
Francisco J. Cantamutto is an associate researcher at the Instituto de Investigaciones Económicas
y Sociales del Sur and Universidad Nacional del Sur, Argentina, and the author of Economía política
de la Convertibilidad (2013). Victoria Furio is a conference interpreter and translator located in
Yonkers, NY.
1069563LAPXXX10.1177/0094582X211069563Latin American PerspectivesCantamutto/Legitimation Strategies in a Dependent Society
research-article2022
164 LATIN AMERICAN PERSPECTIVES
Argentina is a dependent country, as described by Latin America’s Marxist
dependency theory, and this means that its possibilities of development are
conditioned by the performance of other dynamic centers of accumulation (Dos
Santos, 2011). There is a relatively unexplored link between legitimacy building
strategies and the structural aspects of dependency, something on which
Cardoso and Faletto (1986) contributed from a Weberian viewpoint. This article
neither analyzes the construction of hegemony in a long-term, historical, or
cultural sense nor describes the changes in the organizational and identity com-
position of the popular classes. Instead, it aims to examine the strategies uti-
lized by the various fractions of the power bloc to build legitimacy for their
own programs. These strategies link conflicts among these fractions and
between them and the popular classes constrained by their relation to the
above-mentioned compensatory mechanisms. The study of these strategies
uses tools of Marxist dependency theory, since it is the only one of the different
dependency theories capable of combining the analysis of a country’s position
in international trade with class conflicts within it.
It is argued that, under the direction of the industrial fraction of the power
bloc during the neodevelopmentalist phase (2002–2015), it was possible to
design a strategy of dominance based on consensus, taking advantage of the
prospect of redistributing part of the land rent, which limited the need for
superexploitation of the workforce. The use of this compensation mechanism
created tensions within the power bloc, which were ultimately resolved by
relegating the strategy of seeking consensus among the popular classes. The
administration of Cambiemos (2015–2019) represented this convergence of the
power bloc against the popular classes, escalating both extractivism and super-
exploitation of the workforce.
The first section presents the basic features of the Marxist dependency the-
ory with respect to Argentina. The second one connects this dependent condi-
tion to the political struggle and the role of the state. The third and fourth
sections analyze the changes produced regarding the leading fractions of the
power bloc and the prevalence of the compensation mechanisms in the twenty-
first century, distinguishing between the neodevelopmentalist phase and late-
stage neoliberalism.
ArgentinA from the PersPective of the mArxist theory
of DePenDency
After the political independence of the colonies, the imposition of the
metropolis was no longer explicit, thus modifying Latin American and
Caribbean relations with the rest of the world. This gave rise to a debate on
dependency that dates back, at least, to the centennial of the Latin American
independence struggles (Beigel, 2006). In the case of Argentina, the debate over
the prospects of autonomous development increased during the period of
import-substitution industrialization (Peralta Ramos, 2007).
Emerging from this political and intellectual concern, Latin American struc-
turalism explained the existence of dynamic centers of accumulation specialized
in the manufacture of industrial goods and an extensive periphery engaged in

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