Potential Impact of Research on Adolescent Development on Juvenile Judge Decision‐making

Date01 September 2018
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jfcj.12114
Published date01 September 2018
AuthorColleen M. Berryessa
Potential Impact of Research on Adolescent
Development on Juvenile Judge
Decision-making
By Colleen M. Berryessa
ABSTRACT
This paper discusses how biological and psychological literature on the develop-
mental differences between juveniles and adults may affect juvenile judges in their “dual
role” as retributive and rehabilitative decision-makers in juvenile cases, specifically
focusing on sentencing. Particularly, it discusses potential influences of this research on
adolescent development regarding four factors known to be integral in juvenile judge
decision-making: legal factors, characteristics of juvenile offenders, and individual struc-
tural and social contextsin which judges’ decisions are made. To conclude, implications
and recommendations stemming from this discussion are considered.
Key words: judge, adolescent development, sentencing, juvenile court.
INTRODUCTION
The original goal in the creation of the juvenile justice system was to emphasize
the care and rehabilitative needs of juvenile offenders in stark contrast to adult criminal
courts’ focus on retributive punishments (Krisberg, 2005; Siegel, Welsh, & Senna,
2006). This separation of adult and juvenile courts was largely because adolescents were
perceived to be developmentally different from adult offenders and more amenable to
treatment (Lewis, 1999). In recent years, all but two states have developed purpose
clauses that articulate the goals of the juvenile justice system, and although clauses vary
widely from state to state, they most often still overlap with the original goals of the
juvenile justice system (Juvenile Justice, Geography, Policy, Practice & Statistics
Colleen M. Berryessa is an Assistant Professor at the Rutgers University, School of Criminal Justice
(beginning in September 2018). She recently received her Ph.D. in Criminology from the University of
Pennsylvania. Her research examines discretion in the criminal justice system, focusing on social contexts
and societal attitudes toward mental disorders and biological research on behavior, and how they may affect
the legal process and justice system. She received her B.A. from Harvard University and was also a research
fellow at the Center for Biomedical Ethics at Stanford University.
Juvenile and Family Court Journal 69, No. 3
©2018 National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges
19
(JJGPS), 2009). Twenty-nine states have purpose clauses that incorporate language from
a movement called the Balanced Approach to Restorative Justice, which seeks to balance the
community protection and accountability of offenders with providing the rehabilitative
tools to equip juveniles with the skills needed to live responsibility and law-abidingly
(JJGPS, 2009). The purpose clauses of eight states are called due process era “parens
patriae” clauses, which describes the juvenile judge as a “parent” who gives the “child”
care and guidance that is in the best interest of both himself and the state (JJGPS, 2009).
Further, five states have developmental aspects of their purpose clauses, which mention
the use of research on adolescent development in informing juvenile justice practices.
Finally, other states have more complex purpose clauses, but include things such as offer-
ing diversion programs, attempting to remove stigmatizing legal labels from youth
offenders’ criminal records, providing the best resources possible to promote the welfare
of juveniles, and providing for procedural safeguards to ensure just enforcement of
youths’ constitutional rights (see Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention,
2016 for a thorough reference of states’ purpose clauses). Thus, although states define
their purposes, the large majority of states still seek to provide a juvenile system that
includes a care and rehabilitative focus.
Yet, even with the development of these purpose clauses, several factors have
appeared to shift the juvenile court system as a whole to a more punitive focus in the last
several decades. First, several U.S. Supreme Court decisions, such as In re Gault (1967)
and In re Winship (1970), have shifted court practices and given juvenile offenders consti-
tutional rights that are more consistent to those seen and given in criminal courts. Many
have argued these Court decisions show a shift toward the juvenile court functioning
more like an adult criminal court (Hemmens, Steiner, & Mueller, 2004). Second, percep-
tions of growing youth violence, especially in the 1980s and 1990s, led to increased
media focus and moral panic surrounding fear of future juvenile violence and the need
for more punitive practices to hinder the delinquency of juvenile “super predators”
(Hurst, 1999). Along with this moral panic of the 1980s and 1990s, juvenile courts have
been historically criticized for being too lenient on juvenile offenders; this has led to leg-
islative changes and court decisions at the state level that have reduced the powers of
juvenile courts and increased “get tough” retributive practices, such as implementing
mandatory juvenile waivers for certain offenses (Lewis, 1999) and the enactment of
“blended” sentencing law that allow juvenile and adult sanctions to be imposed in the
same case (Black, 2016; Schaefer & Uggen, 2016). Although many states have started to
repeal or amend “get tough” measures enacted in the 1990s, and there has been increased
support for rehabilitative services (Bloom, Owen, Deschenes, & Rosenbaum, 2002), the
majority of these laws still remain in place and a focus on punishment and accountability
still remain prominent in the juvenile court system (Lane, 2015).
One of the main effects of the juvenile court’s increased focus on punishment and
criminal accountability in the last several decades has been to the role, practice, and,
decision-making of juvenile judges. Juvenile judges are asked not only to be fact-finders
in cases, but also to ensure the welfare of juvenile offenders by considering treatment
options, access to social services, and other alternatives that may best help the needs of
those adolescents who come in front of them in their court rooms (Lowe, Matz, & Messer,
20 | JUVENILE AND FAMILY COURT JOURNAL

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