Post-Keynesian Macroeconomic Foundations for Comparative Political Economy

DOI10.1177/00323292211006562
AuthorEngelbert Stockhammer
Date01 March 2022
Published date01 March 2022
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/00323292211006562
Politics & Society
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DOI: 10.1177/00323292211006562
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Article
Post-Keynesian
Macroeconomic
Foundations for
Comparative Political
Economy
Engelbert Stockhammer
King’s College London
Abstract
The global financial crisis and ensuing weak growth have increased interest in
macroeconomic issues within comparative political economy (CPE). CPE, particularly
the dominant Varieties of Capitalism approach, has based its analyses on mainstream
economics, which limits analysis of the relation between distribution and growth
and neglects the role finance plays in modern economies. It overstates the stability
of the capitalist growth process and understates the potential effectiveness of
government interventions. Baccaro and Pontusson have suggested a post-Keynesian
(PK) theory of distribution and growth as an alternative. This article generalizes
their point. PK theory highlights the instability of the growth process and lends
itself to an analysis of income distribution and power relations. The article identifies
the analysis of financialization and financial cycles, the understanding of neoliberal
growth models, and the political economy of central banks as areas where PK
economics provides specific insights for CPE. It also highlights that these arguments
have important implications for government policy in an era of secular stagnation
with ongoing social, distributional, and economic crises.
Keywords
post-Keynesian economics, comparative political economy, growth models,
financial instability
Corresponding Author:
Engelbert Stockhammer, King’s College London, Virginia Woolf Building, 22 Kingsway, London,
WC2B 6NR, UK.
Email: engelbert.stockhammer@kcl.ac.uk
1006562PASXXX10.1177/00323292211006562Politics & SocietyStockhammer
research-article2021
2022, Vol. 50(1) 156–187
Political economy approaches assert that economic, social, and political factors have
to be analyzed in conjunction. Comparative political economy (CPE) is the field that
studies differences in institutions, policies, and economic outcomes across countries.
It seeks to determine why some countries have higher incomes or economic growth
than others, why there are different degrees of inequality, and how these relate to dif-
ferences in the institutions structuring industrial relations, financial systems, and wel-
fare regimes. CPE therefore needs a theory of institutions and politics as well as a
theory of how the economy works. One key question that divides economic theories is
whether growth should be understood as driven mostly by (slowly changing) supply-
side factors, such as the skills of the workforce and the speed of technological prog-
ress, or by the (more volatile) demand side, that is, spending decisions of firms,
households, and governments. The answer to this question has far-reaching implica-
tions for economic analysis and, more important, shapes the interpretation of eco-
nomic crises. Are they due to exogenous, unforeseeable shocks that bring about
temporary deviations from an otherwise stable growth path (as implied by most sup-
ply-side theories)? Or are they the endogenous outcome of systemic forces that lead to
boom-bust cycles, as non-mainstream versions of demand-side analyses suggest?
These questions matter to CPE because they are necessary to understand the eco-
nomic performances of countries and to evaluate economic policies, but CPE rarely
confronts them head on. Herman Mark Schwartz and Bent Tranøy argue that over the
past few decades there has been a slow shift in CPE from macroeconomic approaches
that emphasize economic instability and issues of political legitimacy to neoinstitu-
tional approaches, in particular the Varieties of Capitalism (VoC) approach, that pre-
suppose (stable) market outcomes which allow for multiple institutional equilibria.1
This has moved CPE closer to mainstream economics with its supply-side focus and
an interpretation of market economies as inherently stable. The global financial crisis
and the ensuing weak growth have reignited interest in macroeconomic issues of
growth, distribution, and stability and thus the question of the economic underpinning
for CPE. Lucio Baccaro and Jonas Pontusson propose basing CPE on the post-Keynes-
ian (PK) theory of demand regimes and use the cases of Germany, Sweden, and the
United Kingdom to analyze export-led and debt-led growth models.2 In a reply, David
Hope and David Soskice argue that the more mainstream New Keynesian (NK) theory,
which is based on methodological individualism, features a supply-side-determined
long-run equilibrium, and regards financial crises as caused by exogenous shocks, is a
more appropriate foundation.3
This article is a reply to this controversy and makes a systematic case for post-
Keynesian economics (PKE) as the macroeconomic foundation for the comparative
analysis of capitalisms. It argues that CPE lacks adequate macroeconomic founda-
tions; it needs an analytical framework that allows an analysis of the potential insta-
bility of growth in a financialized economy and the power relations that underpin
inequality as well as financial relations. PKE, in contrast to NKE, offers a
(Kaleckian) theory of demand regimes that allows for wage-led as well as profit-led
demand regimes, partially used by Baccaro and Pontusson. Importantly, the PK
theory of money and finance enables an analysis of financialization that considers
157
Stockhammer
the dysfunctional aspects of finance and the emergence of (Minskyan) financial
instability. It has a focus on the demand side of growth but considers growth as
path-dependent, with (Kaldorian) technological progress induced by demand pres-
sures. Together this forms a basis for an analysis of growth models that is more
appropriate than mainstream economics for a world characterized by distributional
conflict and financial crises.
The article is at the same time highly sympathetic to and critical of Baccaro and
Pontusson. I argue that PKE has more to offer than Baccaro and Pontusson realize, in
particular regarding finance and financial instability. The article discusses several spe-
cific areas where a PK economics approach can make contributions to CPE debates.
First, the PK analysis of endogenous financial instability has implications for our
understanding of financialization.4 Second, I argue that, contrary to what Baccaro and
Pontusson assert, neoliberal growth models are premised on wage-led demand regimes
and that the stagnation tendencies they encounter in the face of rising inequality are
compensated for by debt-driven or export-driven stimulation, both of which give rise
to unstable regimes. Third, endogenous financial instability has implications for the
political economy of central banks. They act as lender of last resort for private finan-
cial institutions as well as governments, which gives them a distinct form of financial
power. The overall PK vision of capitalist dynamics is one of an intrinsically unstable
growth process, where class relations, financial instability, and government activity
shape the growth path of economies.
The article is structured as follows. The first section below situates PKE and CPE
within the historical development of the political economy approach. Next, recent
debates on the role of macroeconomics in CPE are discussed. The sections following
that discussion present NK theory and the three-equation model advocated by Hope
and Soskice; set out the core features of the PK analysis of distribution, finance, and
path-dependent growth; and highlight contributions of PKE to CPE on financialization
and financial cycles, for the interpretation of neoliberal growth models and for the
political economy of central banking. The last section concludes.
From Political Economy to Heterodox Economics and
CPE
The main objective of this article is to clarify the contributions PKE can make to
CPE, but many of the arguments here will also be relevant to other areas of political
economy. Political economy started as a holistic approach in the nineteenth century
that aimed at a unified analysis of social, economic, and political issues. Toward the
late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, under the influence of neoclassical
theory, economics turned into “pure economics” and a disciplinary bifurcation
occurred, with economics becoming a discipline distinct from political science and
sociology.5 The political economy agenda, which runs across academic disciplines,
thus also split along disciplinary lines. Within economics, the PK and Marxist tradi-
tions pursued a political economy approach. Economics experienced a broadening
of its theories with the Keynesian revolution of the 1930s, in particular the
158 Politics & Society 50(1)

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