Portraits of the feminine in Sumerian literature.

• Author: Gadotti, Alhena
• Position: Report

The study of women in Sumerian literature has received only limited attention thus far (Kramer 1987). (1) This is in contrast not only with Akkadian literature (Harris 1997), but with many other fields of ancient studies. For instance, in both biblical and classical scholarship, recent monographs have appeared that shed light on the relations between women's social roles and the images of women in literary documents (Brenner 1985; Brenner and Fontaine 1997; Pomeroy 1975; Hawley and Levick 1995). Thus, in her discussion of the image of women in Athenian literature of the fifth century B.C.E., Sarah Pomeroy (1975: 96) pointed out that "[t]he mythology about women is created by men and, in a culture dominated by men, it may have little to do with flesh-and-blood women." Indeed there is a great divide between the heroines portrayed in Greek tragedy and comedy and actual women living in ancient Greece. Similarly, Ken Dowden (1992: 56) argued that "the subject of women in mythology offers better value to the student of mythology than to the student of women."

The case of Mesopotamia, however, is quite different. Indeed, as I will show below, the portrayal of women in Sumerian literature had everything to do with real women. I will discuss the available evidence on women in Old Babylonian Sumerian literature within the larger framework of a socio-functional approach to this corpus. (2) Before presenting the evidence, it is necessary to review briefly the basics of this approach to the study of Old Babylonian Sumerian literature. According to Niek Veldhuis, one of its foremost students, Sumerian literature can be defined as " (1) the corpus of poetic texts that was (2) used in the advanced phase of the curriculum of the scribal school (3) in order to create a common Sumerian heritage and history" (Veldhuis 2004: 47). This corpus includes narrative compositions, hymns, and wisdom literature as well as the various epistolary collections. (3)

Veldhuis argues that Sumerian literature had a twofold pedagogical purpose: first, it was used to further the students' knowledge of Sumerian. More importantly, however, Sumerian literature served to create an esprit du corps among these advanced students. Veldhuis also suggests that the Old Babylonian Sumerian literary corpus was an invented tradition assembled in order to stress the notion of a Babylonian unity at a time when such was no longer a reality, but a memory. (4) The fundamental message of the corpus was that the "normative ... political organization of [southern] Mesopotamia was and had always been that of unity under one king" (Veldhuis 2004: 75). This was important, since the students who were trained in the scribal schools would often go on to become functionaries in the Mesopotamian court and bureaucrats serving in the state's administrative apparatus.

Among the mechanisms by which this invented tradition was originally assembled and kept cohesive is the use of traditional characters, often featured in Sumerian compositions. These are individuals known outside of literary contexts, for whom "traditional information is available" (Veldhuis 2004: 70-71). The presence of a personal name usually indicates a traditional character, whether this is a god (Enlil), a goddess (Nange), or a hero (Lugalbanda). When protagonists of compositions go unnamed, as is often the case in wisdom literature, it is because "they do not represent individuals, but rather are representative of their groups" (Veldhuis 2004: 68). Thus, just as with male characters, one can divide the women attested in the Old Babylonian Sumerian literary corpus into two main groups: named and unnamed. In the present investigation, I will focus mainly on named women. (5)

In fact, there are very few women mentioned by name in the Old Babylonian Sumerian literary corpus. These are I) Enheduanna, the daughter of Sargon of Akkad; 2) Ninsatapada, the daughter of Sin-kasid of Uruk; 3-4) Enmebaragesi and Pestur, Gilgames' older and younger sisters, respectively; 5) Sagburu, the wise woman whose expertise allows Enmerkar to win yet another round in his endless strife with the Lord of Aratta; 6) Sat-Istar, the "ideal mother" whose virtues are expounded upon by her devoted son Ludingira; (6) and 7) Nawirtum, Ludingira's beloved wife. At least two of these characters, Enheduana and Ninsatapada, were actual historical figures, and it has been suggested that the individuals involved in the matters of Ludingira may have been actual people from Nippur. (7) Be that as it may, the use of at least four of these named characters is not by chance., since they are traditional characters. As noted above, such characters would have been instantly recognizable by scribes and elites and had an existence independent of the composition in which they appeared. On the other hand, the remaining three characters embody women's traditional roles.

Among such traditional characters, the best example is Enheduana. An actual historical figure, Enheduana lived during the twenty-fourth century B.C.E. (8) As the daughter of Sargon of Akkad, she was appointed as a high-ranking priestess in the cult of Nanna of Ur. She is also alleged to be the first known Mesopotamian author, since a number of literary compositions were composed in her name. (9) More importantly for our purposes, in sonic of these compositions Enheduana herself appears as the protagonist, for instance in Ninmesarra (Inana B). (10) This composition describes how Enheduana was removed from her office by the enigmatic Lugal-ane. (11) She herself tells the reader of her misfortune:

66. g [i.sub.6] -pa [r.sub.3] k [u.sub.3] -ga hu-mu-si-in-k [u.sub.4] -re-en

67. en-me-en en-h [e.sub.2] -d [u.sub.7] -an-na-me-en

68. [.sup.gi] ma-s [a.sub.2] -ab [i.sub.3] -ru asil-l [a.sub.3] [i.sub.3] - dug4

69. ki-s [i.sub.3] - ga b [i.sub.2] - ib-gar ga-e nu-mu-un-ti [l.sub.3] -le-en

70. [u.sub.4] -de ba-te ud mu-da-bi [l.sub.2]

71. gissu-d [e.sub.3] ba-te [u.sub.18] - lu-da im-mi-dul

72. ka 1a [l.sub.3] -g [u.sub.10] su u [h.sub.3] - a ba-ab-du [g.sub.4]

73. ni [g.sub.2] u [r.sub.5] sa [g.sub.9] - sa [g.sub.9] - g [u..sub.10] sahar-ta ba-da-g [i.sub.4]

74. nam-g [u.sub.10] [.sup.d] suen lugal-an-n [e.sub.2]

75. an-ra du [g.sub.4] - mu-na-ab an-n [e.sub.2] ha-ma-d [u.sub.8] -e

67. "I am the en-priestess, I am Enduhana,

66. I entered the bright gipar for you,

68. I carried the masab-basket and sang in jubilation.

69. (In spite of the fact that) funeral offerings were brought (for me) as if I had not lived there at all.

70. I neared the light, but the light burned me.

71. I neared the shadow, but I was covered by a storm.

72. My honey mouth was ... with scum,

73. My exceedingly joyful heart turned into dust!

74. Suen, tell An about my fate and Lugal-ane,

75. So that An may free me!"

    The historical implications of the events Enheduana describes are not entirely clear. Nor is it possible at present to determine whether she refers to an actual event or has rather romanticized what happened so as to appear in the role of the pious and just sufferer.

    A similar character is Ninsatapada. Like Enheduana, she was a historical figure and the daughter of a king--in her case, of Sin-kasid of Uruk, who ruled in the early nineteenth century B.C.E. Like Enheduana, she was appointed to a cultic position of some prominence in this case as the nin-dingir priestess to the netherworld god Meslamta-ea (Nergal). We are not certain as to the city in which she held this position, but it was most likely her home town of Uruk. (12)

    As a literary character, Ninsatapada appears in only one literary letter, included in the Correspondence of the Kings of Larsa. (13) In this letter, the priestess appeals to Rim-Sin of Larsa to be restored to her cultic position after Uruk had fallen under Larsa's control: (14)

16. [...] nin-sa [g.sub.] -to-pa-da [.sup.munus] dub-dar

17. [NIN] -dingir [.sup.d] mes-lam-to- [e.sub.3] -a

18. [du] mu [.sup.d] sin-ka-si-id lugal unu [g.sup.ki] -ga ...

35. e-ne-e [s.sub.2] g [a.sub.2] -a-ra igi zi bar-mu-un-si-ib ka-ba-zu kukk [u.sub.2], hu-mu-un-zalag-ge

36. mu-5-kam-ma-ta iri-g [a.sub.2] nu-me-a sag-gi [n.sub.7] im-/ma-an-ti\lu gest [u.sub.2], nu-tuku

37. sag-si [g.sub.3] - zu mu [s.sub.3] - me-g [a.sub.2] ba-ni-ku [r.sub.2] su-mu-ug-ga GAM.GAM-e im-la [h.sub.5]

38. ni [g.sub.2] -me-gar su-g [u.sub.10] da-lam im-mi-i [b.sub.2] -ra KA ab-ba-g [u.sub.10] nu-zu

39. nam-ab-ba ud-ba til-la-gi [n.sub.7] ba [n.sub.3] -da ta [g.sub.4] -a am [a.sub.5] -g [u.sub.10] ba-ab-bir-bir

40. musen gis-bur-ra da [b.sub.5] -ba-gin7 amar-bi gu [d.sub.3] ba-ni-ib-sikil-a

41. dumu-dumu-g [u.sub.10] bar-ta ba-bir-bir l [u.sub.2] kin ak-d [e.sub.3] la-ba-an-tuku

42. /si [g.sub.4] -g [u.sub.10] la-la-bi nu-mu-un-g [i.sub.4] -g [i.sub.4] - [a] tu [m.sub.12.sup.maen] -gi [n.sub.7] se mi-ni-ib-s [a.sub.4]

43. ninda g [u.sub.7] -g [u.sub.10] i-si-is-bi ma-l [a.sub.2] -l [a.sub.2] u [r.sub.5] - s [e.sub.3] nu-te-en-te-en

16. "[...] I am Ninsatapada, the scribe,

17. The [nir] -dingir-priestess of Meslamta-ea

18. And daughter of Sin-kasid, king of Uruk.

35. Now [Rim-Sin] look favorably upon me! Your word shall brighten the darkness!

36. After having been away from my city for five years, I live like a slave, no one heeds me!

37. Because I fear you, my appearance changes, I wander around in fear ...

38. In the silence I now clasp my hands, I do not recognize my ancestors.

39. In the old age, as if on the day...