Political Equality in the American States
| Author | Patrick Flavin |
| Published date | 01 March 2017 |
| DOI | 10.1177/0160323X17692395 |
| Date | 01 March 2017 |
| Subject Matter | Reviews & Essays |
State and Local Government Review
2017, Vol. 49(1) 60-69
Political Equality in the American ª The Author(s) 2017
Reprints and permission:
States: What We Know and
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DOI: 10.1177/0160323X17692395
What We Still Need to Learn
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Patrick Flavin1
Abstract
This review essay illustrates the importance and utility of studying political equality among rich and
poor citizens at the state level, reviews what is known in three key areas of political equality research
in the states (unequal rates of political participation, unequal government responsiveness to citizens’
political opinions, and public policy and inequality), and suggests possible future avenues of inquiry.
The ultimate aim is to organize and integrate existing knowledge about political equality in the
American states and spur future investigations that will further extend understanding among
researchers and practitioners of state politics.
Keywords
political equality, U.S. states, income inequality, political participation, political representation,
public policy
Political equality is a cornerstone of American
First, this essay focuses on political equality
democracy. As Verba (2003, 663) declares,
(or, more accurately, inequality) between rich
“One of the bedrock principles in a democracy
and poor in the American states because the
is the equal consideration of the preferences
sizable variation in political behavior, laws,
and interests of all citizens.” In recent years,
institutions, and culture provides a fruitful test-
political scientists have devoted increasing
ing ground for research questions about why
attention to describing, measuring, and evaluat-
political equality occurs and what might be
ing how citizens’ incomes and social class
done to remedy it. While the balance of
shape patterns of civic engagement, political
research to date on political equality has
influence, and government policy responses in
focused on American national politics, much
the United States. In the midst of growing scho-
more can be learned by turning attention to the
larly and public attention to the issue of politi-
states and using the larger sample size as an
cal equality, now is an appropriate time to take
analytic advantage. Second, because “political
stock of what is known and what still needs to
be learned. With that in mind, this essay has
three goals: (1) illustrate the importance and
1 Department of Political Science, Baylor University, Waco,
utility of studying political equality at the state
TX, USA
level, (2) review what is known in three key
Corresponding Author:
areas of political equality research in the states,
Patrick Flavin, Department of Political Science, Baylor
and (3) suggest possible future avenues for
University, One Bear Place #97276, Waco, TX 76798, USA.
research on the topic.
Email: patrick_J_flavin@baylor.edu
Flavin
61
equality” is a phrase that can take on different
At the state level, research on unequal rates
conceptual meanings, it is important to address
of political participation has focused primarily
the topic from several different angles. Accord-
on voting and finds, similar to studies of
ingly, this review essay follows the American
national politics, wealthier citizens are consid-
Political Science Association’s 2005 “Inequality
erably more likely to vote at election time com-
and American Democracy” task force report
pared to citizens with low incomes (Hill and
(Jacobs and Skocpol 2005) and divides the fol-
Leighley 1992; Rigby and Springer 2011;
lowing three sections in this essay into a review
Wichowsky 2012; Franko 2015). Notably for
of three distinct areas of political equality
researchers and practitioners of state politics,
research: unequal rates of political participation,
these studies also document significant varia-
unequal government responsiveness to citizens’
tion across the states in the size of the voter
political opinions, and public policy and
turnout “gap” between rich and poor citizens.
inequality. Third, after reviewing the research
Moreover, they find little evidence to support
conducted to date, this essay identifies what still
the assumption that the composition of the elec-
needs to be learned and briefly sketches out a
torate is more socioeconomically equal when
series of possible future research projects on
the overall voter turnout rate is higher in a
political equality in the American states. In sum,
state.1 In short, studies that examine the sizable
the ultimate aim of this review essay is to orga-
variation in the equality of voter turnout rates
nize and integrate existing knowledge about
across the states paint a picture that both con-
political equality in the American states and spur
firm the findings of research at the national
future investigations that will further extend
level and add valuable nuance.
understanding among researchers and practi-
The variation in the voter turnout gap
tioners of state politics.
between rich and poor at the state level also
helps to shed light on the important implica-
Unequal Rates of Political
tions of unequal political voice. From a policy
outputs standpoint, a series of studies document
Participation
that citizens with low incomes materially bene-
Political participation is the primary avenue by
fit when they turn out to vote at higher rates.
which citizens can communicate their political
For example, states with higher levels of voter
opinions and policy concerns to government
turnout among poorer citizens tend to have
officials. However, unequal political “voice”
more generous welfare cash assistance benefits
is a persisting feature of American politics. A
(Hill and Leighley 1992), less stringent restric-
series of widely cited studies dating back
tions on welfare eligibility (Fellowes and Rowe
decades document that affluent citizens tend
2004; Avery and Peffley 2005), and more
to participate more in politics—whether it be
favorable housing, health care, and wage equity
voting, volunteering for a campaign, contacting
policies (Franko 2013). From a societal out-
elected officials, or any other participatory
comes standpoint, states with higher levels of
act—compared to disadvantaged citizens
voter turnout among disadvantaged citizens
(Verba and Nie 1972; Wolfinger and Rosen-
tend to have citizens with higher assessments
stone 1980; Rosenstone and Hansen 1993;
of self-rated health (Blakely, Kennedy, and
Verba, Schlozman, and Brady 1995; Schloz-
Kawachi 2001) and lower levels of economic
man, Verba, and Brady 2012; Bonica et al.
inequality (Avery 2015; Franko, Kelly, and
2013; Leighley and Nagler 2013). Unequal
Witko 2016). In sum, the composition of voter
rates of political participation are concerning
turnout within a state has important implica-
from a political equality standpoint because the
tions for the content of public policies passed
voices that elected officials hear from, and
into law and the quality of life that citizens sub-
then act on while in office, tend to be distorted
sequently experience. Or, as Burnham (1987,
and speak with a strong upper-class accent
99) once bluntly put it, “If you don’t vote, you
(Schattschneider 1960).
don’t count.”
62
State and Local Government Review 49(1)
What, if anything, might be done to narrow
election day registration (allowing citizens to
the voter turnout gap between rich and poor and
both register and vote on the same day at the
promote more equal political voice? As noted
polling place) can help reduce inequality in the
above, the fifty states provide a useful testing
composition of voter turnout, particularly in
ground to investigate which potential reforms
states that have high levels of voter registration
are, from an empirical standpoint, actually effec-
inequality to begin with. By contrast, in-person
tive at increasing voter turnout among citizens
early voting (which makes it more convenient
with low incomes and few political resources.
for those who are already registered to vote to
To begin, previous research finds that poor citi-
cast their ballot) actually exacerbates the
zens turn out to vote at higher rates (relative to
inequality of voter turnout between rich and
rich citizens) in states with more competitive
poor within states.
party systems (Hill and Leighley 1996;
When surveying empirical research on state
Wichowsky 2012). The primary mechanism by
election and voting reforms more broadly, the
which this occurs is through party mobilization
evidence to date is similarly mixed. On one
efforts—in states where the Democratic Party
hand, Avery and Peffley (2005) find that easier
must...
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