POLICE CULTURE AND OFFICER BEHAVIOR: APPLICATION OF A MULTILEVEL FRAMEWORK

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/1745-9125.12192
AuthorJASON R. INGRAM,EUGENE A. PAOLINE,WILLIAM TERRILL
Date01 November 2018
Published date01 November 2018
POLICE CULTURE AND OFFICER BEHAVIOR:
APPLICATION OF A MULTILEVEL FRAMEWORK
JASON R. INGRAM,1WILLIAM TERRILL,2
and EUGENE A. PAOLINE III3
1Department of Criminal Justice and Criminology, Sam Houston State
University
2School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Arizona State University
3Department of Criminal Justice, University of Central Florida
KEYWORDS: police culture, police use of force, police misconduct, occupational
attitudes, multilevel theory
Although recent advancements have been made in the understanding and studying of
police culture, several significant gaps remain, including deficiencies in theoretical de-
velopment and the lack of research on culture’s influence on police practice. In the cur-
rent study, we apply a multilevel theoretical framework to the examination of officers’
cultural attitudes and behavior to help bridge these gaps. In doing so, police culture
is treated as a collective feature of patrol groups as opposed to as an individual-level
attribute. Furthermore, we extend previous work by introducing the concept of culture
strength as a moderator of the culture–behavior relationship. After drawing on survey
and behavioral data from a national multimethod project, we then test this framework
with two empirical examples from each of the primary work environments (i.e., street
and organization) in which police culture originates and operates. The findings reveal
that workgroup culture is associated with officers’ behaviors, representing a collective
effect, and that the relationship between culture and behavior may not always be lin-
ear. The results provide support for incorporating a multilevel approach to the study
of police culture and officer behavior.
In an effort to address the vagueness associated with the term “police culture,” schol-
ars have recently worked toward modeling the precise mechanisms (i.e., environments,
prescriptions, and outcomes) that are part of the occupational culture of police (Paoline,
2003; Paoline and Terrill, 2014). Despite such advancements, work is still needed in the
theoretical development of the concept and, perhaps more importantly, in identifying
the extent to which culture relates to police behavior (Manning, 2005; Mastrofski, 2004;
Additional supporting information can be found in the listing for this article in the Wiley Online
Library at http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/crim.2018.56.issue-4/issuetoc.
This article is based on data from the Assessing Police Use of Force Policy and Outcomes Project,
supported by Grant No. 2005-IJ-CX-0055 by the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice
Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. The points of view expressed in this article are those of the
authors and do not necessarily represent the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of
Justice.
Direct correspondence to Eugene Paoline, Department of Criminal Justice, University of Central
Florida, P.O. Box 161600, Orlando, FL 32816-1600 (e-mail: Eugene.Paoline@ucf.edu).
C2018 American Society of Criminology doi: 10.1111/1745-9125.12192
CRIMINOLOGY Volume 56 Number 4 780–811 2018 780
POLICE CULTURE AND OFFICER BEHAVIOR 781
National Research Council, 2004; Waddington, 1999). Although the results of a few
studies (McCluskey, Terrill, and Paoline, 2005; Paoline and Terrill, 2005; Terrill, Paoline,
and Manning, 2003) have demonstrated an empirical link between cultural attitudes and
officer behaviors, two significant issues remain.
First, researchers have not yet fully accounted for the shared nature of culture (Paoline,
2003), which should influence the relationship between the substantive nature of culture
and behavior. Second, researchers have mainly portrayed police culture as an attribute
of individual officers instead of as a collective property. Culture is an emergent concept
derived from individuals interacting with one another, through a socialization process
(Van Maanen, 1974), and so measures should reflect the combined influence of all those
who shape culture (Kozlowski and Klein, 2000). Collectively, both of these issues have
limited the theoretical development, in general, as well as have limited the ability to assess
culture’s impact on behavior, in particular.
In addressing these issues, we draw on a multilevel theoretical framework that has re-
cently been adapted to the study of police culture from an attitudinal perspective (Ingram,
Paoline, and Terrill, 2013) and apply it to the study of officer behavior. Additionally, we
add to this framework by incorporating the concept of culture strength, defined as the
degree to which officers within groups share cultural views, to determine the extent to
which such cohesion might also relate to behavior. By using survey and behavioral data
from a national multimethod use-of-force project, we test this framework with illustra-
tive empirical examples that rest at the core for understanding the primary internal and
external work environments in which police culture operates.
POLICE CULTURE AND OFFICER BEHAVIOR
Research aimed at examining the influence of police culture on officer behavior has
generally fallen into one of two areas. The first area comprises officers grouped into
cultural types based on their adherence to a host of occupational attitudes that are
collectively referred to as the “traditional” view of police culture (Paoline and Terrill,
2014).1The most prevalent attitudes include a suspiciousness or distrust of citizens
(Manning, 1977; Rubinstein, 1973; Skolnick, 1966; Westley, 1970), aggressive policing
tactics (Bittner, 1970; Brown, 1988; Van Maanen, 1974; Worden, 1995), negative views
of supervision (Reuss-Ianni, 1983; Van Maanen, 1974; Worden, 1995), selective enforce-
ment of the law (Brown, 1988), and prioritization of the law enforcement role over order
maintenance or service roles (Bittner, 1970; Manning, 1977). These views are transmitted
and shared among officers to cope with the common strains of their occupational (i.e.,
street-level interactions with citizens) and organizational (i.e., departmental interactions
with supervisors) work environments (Paoline, 2003). Terrill, Paoline, and Manning
(2003) found that officers who subscribed to more traditional views of culture were more
likely to use higher levels of force. Similarly, Paoline and Terrill (2005) reported that
1. These attitudes have been derived from early ethnographic studies of the police in which offi-
cers’ work environments were characterized as dangerous,authoritarian,uncertain,andambiguous
(Bittner, 1970; Manning, 1977, Rubinstein, 1973; Skolnick, 1966; Van Maanen, 1974; Westley,
1970). For a more detailed description of the nature and content of the traditional view of police
culture, see Paoline (2003).
782 INGRAM, TERRILL, & PAOLINE
traditionally oriented officers were 2.5 times more likely to conduct searches during
traffic stops compared with their culturally divergent counterparts.
The second research area comprises examination of how individual cultural atti-
tudes are related to a variety of behaviors. The results of these studies have produced
mixed findings. For example, although some study findings have shown that officers’
views toward citizens were related to improper force (Worden, 1996) and traffic stops
(Worden, 1989), others have revealed null effects on severity of force (Terrill and
Mastrofski, 2002), improper force allegations (Terrill and Paoline, 2015), and engag-
ing in comforting behaviors (DeJong, 2004). In several studies aimed at examining
officers’ subscription to a narrow, crime-fighting role orientation, scholars have found
no significant effects on force, traffic stops, or improper search behaviors (Terrill and
Mastrofski, 2002; Worden, 1989, 1996) and weak effects on suspicion stops (Worden,
1989) but significant effects on the number of citizen complaints generated (Terrill and
Paoline, 2015). Similarly, officers’ attitudes toward selective enforcement of the law and
aggressive patrol have been found to be unrelated to stops (Worden, 1989) but somewhat
related to use of force (McCluskey, Terrill, and Paoline, 2005). Finally, although some
scholars have failed to find a link between officer attitudes toward community policing
and their search behavior (Gould and Mastrofski, 2004), others have found that officers
with more positive views toward community policing were significantly less likely to
make arrests (Mastrofski, Worden, and Snipes, 1995).
LIMITATIONS
Prior police culture research has had at least two key limitations. First, in such work,
scholars have not fully incorporated the extent to which officers share cultural attitudes
(Ingram, Paoline, and Terrill, 2013; Paoline, 2003; Paoline and Terrill, 2014), especially in
relation to behavior.2This is important because culture’s influence on behavior may be
a function of not only the nature of officers’ attitudinal outlooks but also the extent to
which officers share outlooks. Hence, officers may be more forceful if they strongly share
a distrust of citizens but less forceful if they strongly share a positive outlook of citizens.
Citizen distrust, however, may not be predictive of officers’ force behavior when views
toward citizens are generally less agreed upon.
Second, researchers have failed to account for the collective effects that cultural atti-
tudes may exert on officer behaviors. Because culture is shared, it is by definition a collec-
tive concept derived from the common strains officers face in their work environments.
Culture is an emergent phenomenon that originates in officer attitudes, becomes shared,
and then manifests at a higher level (e.g., Kozlowski and Klein, 2000). As a result, cul-
ture cannot be fully understood from the perspective of any single person who belongs to
it (Hofstede, 1980; Trice and Beyer, 1993; Van Maanen and Barley, 1985), and cultural
2. The “sharedness” of culture has been part of a debate among police researchers. The traditional
view, as well as the recent portrayal of culture by the President’s Task Force on 21st Century
Policing (2015), assumes widespread collectiveness among police confronting similar occupational
strains (Crank, 1998). Empirical research findings, however, have demonstrated that cultural views
are fragmented among segments of officers via attitudinal styles (e.g., Brown, 1988; Cochran and
Bromley, 2003; Jermier et al., 1991; Paoline, 2004). Although both lines of research comprise con-
ceptually incorporating ideas regarding sharedness, neither has been aimed explicitly at measuring
how strongly officers share these views.

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