Plant Location, Wind Direction and Pollution Policy Under Offshoring

Published date01 August 2017
Date01 August 2017
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/twec.12274
Plant Location, Wind Direction and
Pollution Policy Under Offshoring
Laixun Zhao
1
and Tetsugen Haruyama
2
1
Research Institute of Economics & Business, Kobe University, Kobe, Japan and
2
Faculty of Economics, Kobe University, Kobe, Japan
1. INTRODUCTION
IN ancient Greek mythology, Aeolus is the ruler of wind, controlling its direction and
strength, thereby commanding the worship of sailors and fishermen. In our modern days,
wind direction is an important factor in determining pollution across regions and countries.
1
For instance, sand and dust are blown from west Mongolia and north-west China, carried over
across the Yellow Sea and the Japan Sea and fall as yellow rain in Japan almost every spring;
meanwhile, Japanese firms are moving production facilities to China to take advantage of
lower costs and then importing goods back home; the notorious PM2.5 made news headlines
around the globe, because it is so tiny and light that not only hangs in the air and can be car-
ried far away and to many countries by wind but also can penetrate the filtering organs in a
human body; there are concerns that some countries in Europe build power plants and heavy
industries along their borders so that a part of the pollution emitted can be taken away by
wind; pollution in Hong Kong has substantially increased in recent decades even though many
manufacturing firms have left, to the Pearl River Delta across the border in China, and wind
then carries emissions from these firms back to Hong Kong (BBC News, 2007).
The theoretical literature often treats trans-boundary pollution as symmetric, which in the
real world is rarely the case. Think of water pollution that always flows downstream, or air
pollution which often blows eastwards due to the way the globe spins. It is safe to say that
pollution is more often one way than symmetric, albeit symmetry is technically easier to han-
dle in modelling. This asymmetry makes the polluter even more reluctant to control emission.
The real world can only be more complicated, because many polluters are also victims of
other polluters.
In the present paper, we incorporate explicitly wind direction, by constructing a model of
how wind direction and country/plant location affect pollution and incentives to curb pollu-
tion. We have in mind neighbouring countries such as China and Japan, or Germany and
Poland, etc. Japanese and German firms may undertake foreign direct investment (FDI) in
China and Poland, perhaps due to lower abatement or production costs (e.g. lower wages)
there. But pollution emitted from foreign production may be blown back home. In addition,
We wish to thank an anonymous referee, professor Eden Yu, and participants of SAET (Ischia), WEAI
(Kyoto), ETSG and of workshops at Bari, Colorado, Kobe, Kwansei, TNU and YNU for very useful
comments and suggestions. The usual disclaimer applies.
1
Anecdote has it that in 1991, the then chief economist for the World Bank, Lawrence Summers, wrote
in an internal memo that the World Bank should encourage moving dirty industries to less-developed
countries like Africa, because income and therefore the cost of pollution are low in such countries.
As will be shown in the present paper, with wind direction considered, his logic becomes largely
groundless.
The World Economy (2017)
doi: 10.1111/twec.12274
©2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
1646
The World Economy
countries differ in their attitudes towards pollution. Stronger environmentalism may force the
government to take tougher pollution policies, which may impact the three countries
differently.
To examine related issues in a unified framework, we suppose there exist three countries
East (E), West (W) and Home (H), lying on a horizontal line from east to west, with H lying
in the middle and sharing separate borders with the other countries. Production emits pollution
which is carried across country borders by eastbound wind. This problem is identical to one
in which the three countries lie along a river, with W in the upstream, H in the middle and E
in the downstream.
More specifically, one could assume that H is a developed country, while E and W are
developing countries (possibly with much lower wages and other costs). A multinational
enterprise (MNE) in H is considering producing at home as well as undertaking foreign direct
investment (FDI) in both E and W. The relationship between E and H is like that between
Poland and Germany (the less-developed country is downwind), and the one between W and
H is like that between China and Japan (the less-developed country is upwind), or between
the Pearl River Delta and Hong Kong.
Certainly, with the externality generated by wind direction, country/plant location is crit-
ical in determining whether governments choose tough or lax environmental policies. With-
out other distortions, when countries cooperate, they will choose pollution taxes in a
ranking of t
E
<t
H
<t
W
. However, if countries do not cooperate, this ranking can be easily
deviated from, such as when country H cares about firm profits or consumer surplus, or
when its environmentalism is strong. Deviation leads at least one of the upwind countries
to emit more effective pollution, aggravating its own environment as well as that in other
downwind countries. Thus, it is wise for countries to take into account environmentalism
and governments’ preference on profits and consumer welfare, when designing pollution
policies.
One might think that with asymmetric pollution, upwind countries have lower incentives to
impose tougher policies. However, we find that to the contrary, it is the most downwind coun-
try that has the least incentive, because the effectiveness of its policy is diluted by upwind
pollution and its output (pollution) reduction is substituted by other countries. This finding
reiterates the importance of strengthening pollution control in the upwind countries.
When the model is generalised to oligopoly with one firm in each country, we find that
several additional undesirable scenarios may arise. First, each government loosens pollution
control if the domestic firm’s abatement cost rises, in order for the domestic firm to compete
with foreign rivals, thereby generating more pollution; second, the upwind country W may
lower its pollution tax if pollution becomes more trans-boundary (such as in the case of tiny
and light pollutant PM2.5), and the downwind foreign country E may do the same if environ-
mentalism is strong in country H, which generates more pollution for the whole world and
causes worse consequences for global welfare maximisation.
Third, under free trade, an increase in H’s environmentalism may even loosen home pollu-
tion control but tighten those in foreign countries, a result that is completely counter-intuitive.
These stem from each government’s incentives to capture more oligopolistic rents, driving
them to lower domestic pollution taxes and increase domestic outputs, even though it would
increase pollution. In other words, under oligopoly with three firms, the rent capturing incen-
tive dominates the pollution-reducing incentive. And this holds true with more firms, because
the total rents to be shifted from rival firms increase. These results point to the importanc e of
international cooperation in designing relevant pollution-control policies.
©2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd
WIND DIRECTION AND POLLUTION CONTROL 1647

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