Persistence or Reversal of Fortune? Early State Inheritance and the Legacies of Colonial Rule*

DOI10.1177/0032329217704431
AuthorRoberto Stefan Foa
Date01 June 2017
Published date01 June 2017
Subject MatterSpecial Issue Articles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0032329217704431
Politics & Society
2017, Vol. 45(2) 301 –324
© 2017 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/0032329217704431
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Special Issue Article
Persistence or Reversal
of Fortune? Early State
Inheritance and the Legacies
of Colonial Rule*
Roberto Stefan Foa
University of Melbourne
Abstract
This article assesses the relative merits of the “reversal of fortune” thesis, according
to which the most politically and economically advanced polities of the precolonial
era were subject to institutional reversal by European colonial powers, and the
“persistence of fortune” view, according to which early advantages in state formation
persisted throughout and beyond the colonial era. Discussing the respective
arguments, the article offers a synthesis: the effect of early state formation on
development trajectories was subject to a threshold condition. Non-European states
at the highest levels of precolonial political centralization were able to resist European
encroachment and engage in defensive modernization, whereas states closest to, yet
just below, this threshold were the most attractive targets for colonial exploitation.
Since the onset of decolonization, however, such polities have been among the first
to regain independence and world patterns of state capacity are increasingly reverting
to those of the precolonial era.
Keywords
colonialism, state formation, state capacity, decolonization, precolonial legacies,
institutions, defensive modernization
Corresponding Author:
Roberto Stefan Foa, School of Social and Political Sciences, University of Melbourne, Parkville 3010,
Melbourne, Australia.
Email: roberto.foa@unimelb.edu.au
*This special issue of Politics & Society titled “The Comparative Politics of Colonialism and Its Legacies”
features an introduction and four papers that were presented as part of a workshop held at The Ohio
State University, April 2016, organized by Marcus Kurtz and Jan Henryk Pierskalla.
704431PASXXX10.1177/0032329217704431Politics & SocietyFoa
research-article2017
302 Politics & Society 45(2)
Among the best-known theses concerning the effect of colonial rule on patterns of
political and economic development is that of the “reversal of fortune,” according to
which the most urbanized and centralized non-European polities at the start of the
modern era, such as the Inca and Aztec Empires, Bengal, or the Malacca Sultanate,
subsequently became the most underdeveloped as a result of Western colonialism.
Building on the arguments of world-systems and dependency theorists, for example,
Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson argue that coercive labor institutions and natural
resources made centralized polities attractive to European powers: they could subse-
quently be turned into extractive colonies for the purpose of securing rents from min-
ing, slaving, and tax farming.1 By contrast, the more sparsely populated territories of
Australasia, Northern America, and the African Cape offered fewer possibilities for
labor-extractive practices and were instead made into centers of settlement, inheriting
European political and economic institutions. In this way the most powerful empires
outside Europe on the eve of the modern age became peripheral zones of the world
economic system, whereas formerly marginal territories in the Americas and Antipodes
became linked to its core and sites of productive growth.
However, in recent years a contrasting argument, which we might call the “persis-
tence of fortune” thesis, has maintained that the most centralized non-European states of
the early modern era were the most likely to resist European encroachment, undergo
defensive modernization, and experience “catch-up” growth in the late twentieth cen-
tury, citing Japan, China, and Turkey as examples.2 Historical studies including Michael
Mann’s Sources of Social Power, Victor Lieberman’s Strange Parallels, and Francis
Fukuyama’s Origins of Political Order argue that non-European powers such as China
and the Ottoman Empire were the first to implement measures such as military conscrip-
tion or merit-based examination, whereas Japan after the Meiji Restoration offered a
path to defensive modernization subsequently taken up by other Asiatic powers, linking
with an earlier literature on the developmental state.3 Advocates of the “persistence”
view point out that the countries experiencing the fastest rates of economic growth in the
era following decolonization were almost universally non-European states with long
state histories, capable of implementing policies of state-directed development, many of
whom, including Thailand, China, or Iran, had already resisted attempts at European
colonization. The persistence of fortune argument thus contends that non-European
powers that entered the modern age strongest also left it the strongest.
These “reversal” and “persistence” arguments would appear to generate flatly
contradictory expectations regarding the relationship between political development
in the early modern era and the strength of political institutions today. According to
the reversal view, areas of the world that hosted centralized empires at the start of
the modern era should now contain the poorest and most fragile states; according to
the persistence view, such areas should today contain politically integrated and high
capacity regimes. That both persistence and reversal arguments are supported by
rich historical, sociological, and economic literatures only makes the contradiction
more acute.
This article attempts a reconciliation by arguing that each is correct—subject to a
threshold condition. If a non-European polity had sufficient state capacity at the start

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