Pennsylvania in 2018: How Redistricting Does and Doesn’t Make a Difference

Published date01 June 2021
Date01 June 2021
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/0160323X211025101
Subject MatterField Notes
Field Notes
Pennsylvania in 2018:
How Redistricting Does
and Doesn’t Make a Difference
William D. Hicks
1
and Seth C. McKee
2
Abstract
In this Field Note, we use precinct- and individual-level data on Pennsylvania to assess whether
congressional redistricting influenced voter preferences in the 2018 midterm. Despite redistricting
vastly altering the distribution of voters in House districts, this did little to change their preferences.
Rather, redistricting contributed to Democratic House gains primarily by configuring a handful of
districts to be more favorable to the Democratic Party. The evidence for minimal direct effects of
redistricting on voter preferences, despite the presence of national political conditions breaking
strongly in favor of Democrats, speaks to the increasing nationalization of American elections and
with it, a concomitant decline in the incumbency advantage.
Keywords
redistricting, Pennsylvania, nationalization, incumbency advantage, 2018 elections
In this Field Note, we use precinct- and
individual-level data on Pennsylvania to assess
whether congressional redistr icting influenced
voter preferences in the 2018 midterm. Despite
redistricting vastly altering the distribution of
voters in House districts, this did little to
change their preferences. Rather, redistricting
contributed to Democratic House gains primar-
ily by configuring a handful of districts to be
more favorable to the Democratic Party. The
evidence for minimal direct effects of redis-
tricting on voter preferences , despite the pres-
ence of national political conditions breaking
strongly in favor of Democrats, speaks to the
increasing nationalization of American elec-
tions and with it, a concomitant dec line in the
incumbency advantage.
The primacy of party is the story of Ameri-
can politics in the twenty-first century. It used
to be fairly common to find states and districts
represented by congresspersons not affiliated
with the party winning the presidential vote
(Stonecash 2008). Not anymore. In this current
age of nationalization (Hopkins 2018; Jacobson
2021), as the presidential election goes, so typi-
cally goes the results of congressional contests
(Jacobson and Carson 2020). This development
speaks to the increasing alignment of partisan-
ship with ideology (Levendusky 2009); the
1
Department of Government and Justice Studies, Appalachian
State University, Boone, NC, USA
2
Department of Political Science, Oklahoma State University,
Stillwater, OK, USA
Corresponding Author:
Seth C. McKee, Department of Political Science, Oklahoma
State University, 220 Social Sciences and Humanities,
Stillwater, OK 74078, USA.
Email: mckee@okstate.edu
State and Local GovernmentReview
ªThe Author(s) 2021
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/0160323X211025101
journals.sagepub.com/home/slg
2021, Vol. 53(2) 172–\ 180

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