Payoffs and Pitfalls of Listening to Children
| Date | 01 October 2003 |
| Published date | 01 October 2003 |
| DOI | http://doi.org/10.1111/j.1741-3729.2003.00373.x |
| Author | Richard A. Warshak |
2003, Vol. 52, No. 4 373
Special Collection
Payoffs and Pitfalls of Listening to Children
Richard A. Warshak*
Children’s perspectives can enlighten decisions regarding custody and parenting plans, but different opinions exist about how best to
involve children in the decision-making process. This article discusses why most procedures for soliciting children’s preferences do
not reliably elicit information on their best interests and do not give children a meaningful voice in decision making. Instead, these
procedures provide children with forums in which to takes sides in their parents’ disputes. In addition to hearing an individual child’s
voice, decision makers can use the collective voice of children, as revealed in research on such topics as joint custody, overnight stays,
and relocation to help understand what children might say about these issues with the hindsight of maturity and in the absence of
parental pressure, loyalty conflicts, inhibitions, and limitations in perspective and articulation.
Controversies about the long-term legacy of divorce are
relevant to the families who experience it themselves, as
well as to scholars and researchers. How one construes
the consequences of divorce also has implications both for clin-
ical practice and for policy making. Implications for clinical
work are discussed by Haine et al. (2003) and Ahrons and Tanner
(2003) in this issue of Family Relations. Implications for divorce
policy are discussed from an international perspective in Walker
(2003, this issue). The current article addresses the implications
of divorce research for a specific divorce policy: how profes-
sionals involve children in decision-making processes. The per-
spective developed here is illustrated through its application to
the issues of joint custody, overnight stays, and relocation.
Throughout history, the voices of children have been con-
spicuously absent from decisions that affected their welfare fol-
lowing their parents’ divorce. Instead, concepts of parental rights
and gender stereotypes determined the postdivorce fate of chil-
dren (Roth, 1976; Warshak, 1992, 1996). Throughout most of
the 20th century, the beliefs (a) that women, by nature, are better
suited to love and care for children, and (b) that children need
mothers more than they need fathers resulted in most children
living with their mothers after divorce and infrequently spending
time with their fathers.
The weakening of gender stereotypes and growing concern
about equal protection under the law led to the adoption of the
best-interests-of-the-child standard in the early 1970s (Scott,
1992). This standard was intended to substitute a broad range of
gender-neutral criteria for the a priori preference for sole mother
custody of young children. The goal of individualized custody
decisions was not immediately realized until the emergence, a
decade later, of a genuine understanding of the impact on chil-
dren of various custody dispositions. Pioneering projects by
Wallerstein and Kelly (1980) in California and Hetherington,
Cox, and Cox (1978, 1982) in Virginia measured various aspects
of psychological functioning and helped show conventional post-
divorce arrangements from the children’s perspective as revealed
in interviews and self-report scales. Research with father-custody
families (e.g., Rosen, 1977; Warshak & Santrock, 1983a, 1983b)
and joint-custody families (e.g., Greif, 1979; Steinman, 1981;
Wolchik, Braver, & Sandler, 1985) gave further voice to chil-
dren’s concerns and preferences in the aftermath of parental di-
vorce.
*Division of Psychology, Department of Psychiatry, University ofTexas Southwestern
Medical Center at Dallas. Address correspondence to the author at: 16970 Dallas Parkway,
Suite 202, Dallas, TX 75248 (richard@warshak.com).
Key Words: child custody, divorce, joint custody, visitation, relocation.
(Family Relations, 2003, 52, 373–384)
Judith Wallerstein was an early, passionate, and eloquent
champion of children from divorced families. Her work with
these children led her to conclude that their feelings and pref-
erences should be given serious consideration by the courts.
Writing about relocation, she stated, ‘‘Especially at the time of
a contemplated move, the court should be responsive to the
child’s voice, amplifying it above the din of competing parents.
Only in this way can it ascertain and respect ‘the best interest
of the child’’’ (Wallerstein & Tanke, 1996, p. 323).
Here, two basic rationales for seeking children’s input when
formulating parenting plans for divorced and never-married par-
ents are described. Some of the dangers of listening to children
are described, as well as how these pitfalls can be mitigated by
considering children’s voices as reported in empirical studies of
children’s divorce-related attitudes and as inferred from studies
of long-term outcomes. Last, what these studies reveal about
children’s perspectives on three issues is summarized to show
how this knowledge can inform decisions made on their behalf.
Potential Payoffs of Listening to Children
The plea to hear children’s voices carries almost axiomatic
appeal to career child advocates, but it is not universally ac-
cepted. Many societies would reject as inappropriate the idea of
seeking counsel from children on such important decisions; they
would regard such a proposal as an inversion of the proper re-
lationship between adults and children. A discussion of the po-
tential benefits and risks of inviting children’s participationwhen
formulating parenting plans will help clarify how best to listen
to children and what to do with what is heard.
Enlightenment
The call to hear children’s voices was a response to the
growing awareness that decisions made by adults on behalf of
children too often missed the mark and resulted in unnecessary
suffering (Kelly, 1994). In the playrooms of therapists and the
laboratories of researchers, children showed us, through their
words and behavior, that their burden was heavier as a result of
a host of errors promulgated by parents, courts, and society.
Parents avoided and evaded open discussion of the divorce
and their children filled the gap with misinformation, anxiety,
and self-blame (Wallerstein & Kelly, 1980). We learned that chil-
dren needed to construct an understanding of the family transi-
tion and that sensitive explanations geared to their level of cog-
nitive development could help them do this (Garvin, Leber, &
Kalter, 1991).
Courts wrote orders prescribing ‘‘reasonable visitation’’ for
children and fathers. The children helped us see the ill conse-
quences of such ambiguous language (Kelly, 1994). They were
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