Payday lending, crime, and bankruptcy: Is there a connection?

DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/joca.12318
Published date01 December 2020
Date01 December 2020
ARTICLE
Payday lending, crime, and bankruptcy: Is there
a connection?
James R. Barth
1,2
| Jitka Hilliard
1
| Jr. John S. Jahera
1
|
Kang B. Lee
1
| Yanfei Sun
3
1
Raymond J. Harbert College of Business,
Auburn University, Auburn, Alabama
2
Milken Institute, Santa Monica,
California
3
Ted Rogers School of Management,
Ryerson University, Toronto, Canada
Correspondence
Jitka Hilliard, Raymond J. Harbert
College of Business at Auburn University,
Auburn, AL 36849.
Email: jitka.hilliard@auburn.edu
Abstract
The payday lending industry has been the subject of
controversy over the years. This is largely due to the
high fee structure of payday loans and the view of some
that the industry targets economically vulnerable
groups. For these reasons, some states prohibit payday
lending, while others impose regulatory restrictions on
their operations. Despite the prohibitions and restric-
tions, the industry nonetheless serves a significant seg-
ment of the U.S. population. Our purpose is to
determine whether in addition to providing loans to
individuals, access to payday lenders is associated with
less property crime and fewer bankruptcies. Using a
unique data set obtained directly from all state regula-
tory authorities, we find evidence, contrary to some
earlier studies, that the presence of payday lenders may
help reduce property crime as well as personal
bankruptcies.
KEYWORDS
bankruptcy, payday lending, property crime
We thank the participants in the 6th European Research Conference on Microfinance in Paris, France, the 9th
International Conference of the Financial Engineering and Banking Society in Prague, Czech Republic, and anonymous
reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions.
Received: 8 February 2020 Revised: 24 April 2020 Accepted: 3 June 2020
DOI: 10.1111/joca.12318
© 2020 American Council on Consumer Interests
J Consum Aff. 2020;54:11591177. wileyonlinelibrary.com/journal/joca 1159
1|INTRODUCTION
Payday loans represent a significant source of short-term, small-dollar funds typically used by
individuals to cover unexpected financial shortfalls. As the Consumer Financial Protection
Bureau (CFPB) states (2019, 7) [t]hese shortfalls may be due to mismatched timing between
income and expenses, income volatility, unexpected expenses or income shocks, or expenses
that simply exceed income.CFPB also points out that 40 percent of adults reported they
would either be unable to cover an emergency expense costing $400 or would have to sell some-
thing or borrow money to cover it.This means that many individuals facing financial shortfalls
seek funds from such places as payday lenders. Indeed, estimates indicate that 12 million Amer-
icans take out payday loans each year.
1
The criteria for receiving a payday loan is evidence of both employment and a checking
account. The maturity of payday loans is most often 2 weeks to coincide with a common pay
cycle and set so that a borrower can repay upon receipt of the next paycheck. At the time a loan
is originated, the borrower writes a postdated personal check for the loan amount and lending
fee to the payday lender,
2
or alternatively provides the lender with electronic authorization to
debit the borrower's checking account for the amount due. When the loan is due, the lender
can deposit the personal check or initiate the electronic withdrawal.
3
The payday lending industry has generated significant controversy regarding the fee struc-
ture of payday loans as well as the customer base. The fees can translate into extremely high
annual rates of interest. In Missouri for instance, a 14-day loan repeatedly renewed for a full
year yields an annualized rate of 1,960%. Some consumer organizations, advocacy groups, and
state attorneys typically consider such high interest rates to be excessively high and hence inap-
propriate. These groups also consider payday lending to be predatory by taking advantage of
lower-income individuals with limited access to more traditional and less costly borrowing
channels.
4
Not surprisingly, these concerns have led many states to adopt restrictive regulations
or outright bans on payday lending.
5
The CFPB, established by the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection
Act in 2010, issued two white papers on the long-term use of short-term loans by individuals,
referring to a pattern of repeatedly rolling over the loans (CFPB, 2013; Burke et al., 2014). In
the 2013 paper, the CFPB found that the median amount borrowed was $350, with about a third
of borrowers having up to six loans and a total dollar amount borrowed of $1,500 during a one-
year period. In the 2014 paper, using the same data as in the 2013 study, which includes infor-
mation on over 12 million loans in 30 states, the CFPB found that approximately 80% of loans
are renewed with another loan within 14 days. This pattern raised concerns over whether such
loans could be repaid which led the CFPB, in the fall of 2017, to propose new rules that would
require payday lenders to assess the ability of borrowers to repay their loans. The new rules also
imposed further restrictions on payday lenders. However, under a new director of the CFPB
appointed by President Trump, some of these rules were delayed with respect to compliance to
November 2020.
6
A large number of studies on payday lenders focus on the demographics of their customer
base (see, for example, Graves, 2003; Stegman and Faris, 2003; Gallmeyer and Roberts, 2009;
Bhutta, 2014; Barth et al., 2015) and the effect of regulations on their locational decisions (Mor-
gan and Strain, 2008; Zinman, 2010; Barth et al., 2016; Bhutta et al., 2016). A general conclusion
of these studies is that payday lenders tend to concentrate in low-income areas with a relatively
high percentage of African Americans and in which individuals have relatively lower levels of
formal education. This situation is consistent with those who believe the industry targets
1160 BARTH ET AL.

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