Paternity Leave and the Motherhood Penalty: New Causal Evidence

AuthorSigne Hald Andersen
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/jomf.12507
Date01 October 2018
Published date01 October 2018
S H A Rockwool Foundation Research Unit
Paternity Leave and the Motherhood Penalty:
New Causal Evidence
Objective: The objective of this study was to
test how a father’s paternity leave affects the
within-household gender wage gap among het-
erosexual couples.
Background: Previous studies focus on the
actual number of days of leave the father takes,
but if an important driver of the gender wage gap
is the effect of parental leave on gender-specic
household specialization, absolute variations in
the father’s leave should not be the key inter-
est. Instead, this article tests the effect of the
extent of the father’s leave relative to that of the
mother’s leave because it is this variation that
plausibly affects the division of household labor
and through this the within-household gender
wage gap.
Method: Full sample, administrative data
are from Statistics Denmark. Causal infer-
ence was facilitated by exploiting 5 Danish
parental leave reforms on 5 separate sam-
ples of all households who become rst-time
parents within the year before and after each
refor m (N1=2,304; N2=45,683; N3=16,668;
N4=42,328; N5=38,978).
Rockwool Foundation Research Unit, Sølvgade 10, 2.,
DK-1307 Copenhagen, Denmark (sha@rff.dk).
© 2018 The Authors. Journal of Marriage and Familypub-
lished by WileyPeriodicals, Inc. on behalf of National Coun-
cil on Family Relations.
This is an open access article under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution License, which permits use, distribu-
tion and reproduction in any medium, provided the original
work is properly cited.
KeyWords:gender wage gap, instrumental variables models,
paternity leave, reforms.
Results: Father’s leave reduces the within-
household gender wage gap through increasing
mother’s wages. Father’s leave furthermore
causes an increase in total household wage
incomes.
Conclusion: Father’s stronger involvement in
the household may be one route to more gen-
der equality, but more so to increased nancial
well-being among families.
Despite a shrinking gap between men’s and
women’s wages, women in most countries still
earn signicantly less than men. In the United
States and United Kingdom this gap exceeds
17%. Even in countries such as Denmark,
where both the labor market and the welfare
state are organized to promote gender equality,
women still earn 7% less than men (udadjusted
statistics from The Organisation for Economic
Co-operation and Development, see OECD stat,
2013).
The extent of family-friendly policies, includ-
ing the access to leave at childbirth, is one expla-
nation for the existence of the gender wage
gap in most Western countries (Boeckmann,
Misra, & Budig, 2015; Misra, Budig, & Moller,
2007; Petersen, Penner, & Hogsnes, 2010, 2014;
Stier & Mandel, 2009). This interpretation has
spurred an interest in how father’s leave affects
the gender wage gap by possibly affecting both
his own and the mother’s labor marketparticipa-
tion (Budig, Misra, & Boeckmann, 2016; Cools,
Fiva, & Kirkebøen, 2011; Hart, Andersen, &
Drange, 2016; Johansson, 2010; Rege & Solli,
2013). The paternity leave hypothesis is that
a longer leave increases a father’s short- and
Journal of Marriage and Family 80 (October 2018): 1125–1143 1125
DOI:10.1111/jomf.12507
1126 Journal of Marriage and Family
long-term involvement in child care, which in
turn relieves some of the burdens of mother-
hood and enhances the mother’s labor market
participation and wages. Todate, empirical stud-
ies have focused on the effects of the absolute
length of the paternity leave. However, studying
paternal leave in isolation does not provide a true
test of the paternity leave hypothesis because a
father’s leave is likely to have the hypothesized
effect only on the division of labor in the house-
hold when balanced by the mother’s unchanged
or shorter leave. If the mother instead increases
her leave in response to the father’slonger leave,
we can expect his leave to have less of an effect
because the mother will still be comparatively
more involved in the household chores. Thus,
what we need is to test the effect of the father’s
leave relative to the mother’s leave.
For this purpose, this study investigates
how exogenous changes in the leave taken
by fathers relative to mothers in heterosexual
couples affects the mother’s and father’s wage
incomes—and thus, essentially, the gender
wage gap.
B
The literature provides a range of explanations
for the persistent gender wage gap, including
differences in human capital such as schooling
and experience, work hours, gender differences
in choice of occupations, industries and rms,
and differences in discrimination (Mandel &
Semyonov, 2014; Petersen, Snartland, Becken,
& Olsen, 1997). In addition, scholars have more
recently begun to scrutinize the inuences from
gender differences in norms and noncognitive
skills. Although women have largely reached
parity with men regarding human capital, many
of the other explanations may still account for
substantial portions of the gender wage gap
(Blau & Kahn, 2016).
According to the literature, the actual and
expected gender-specic division of labor
affects the gender wage gap and suggests that
women’s responsibilities in child birth and child
care are vital in reducing mother’s wages. This
reduction is the "motherhood penalty," which
has been documented empirically by numerous
studies (Budig & England, 2001) across socioe-
conomic groups (Budig & Hodges, 2010) and
institutional contexts (Aisenbrey, Evertsson,
& Grunow, 2009; Gangl & Ziee, 2009).The
motherhood penalty works through selecting
specic women into motherhood (Gupta &
Smith, 2002), statistical discrimination of
mothers in the labor market (Gupta, Smith, &
Verner, 2008) and the human capital deprecia-
tion caused by time spent away from the labor
market due to leave and the need for reduced or
exible work hours (Kahn, García-Manglano,
& Bianchi, 2014; Lundberg & Rose, 2000; Staff
& Mortimer, 2012).
Furthermore, the literature documents a
"fatherhood premium"; becoming a father
increases wages between 3% and 10% (Kille-
wald, 2012; Lundberg & Rose, 2002). One
explanation for this effect is the expected
increased gender-specic specialization that
(may) result from the childbirth. Through this
specialization the father reduces time spent on
household chores and increases his labor market
specialization, which increases his productivity
and wage gains. Another explanation suggests
that fatherhood leads to prosocial behavior,
which increases his labor market participation
and, through this, his wages (Augustine, Nelson,
& Edin, 2009; Knoester & Eggebeen, 2006).
The existence of the motherhood penalty
and the fatherhood premium makes childbirth
a driver of the gender wage gap. However,
aside from the labor market choices that men
and women make when becoming parents,
the support that society provides for parents
through family-friendly policies may also fur-
ther reinforce the effect of parenthood on the
gender wage gap. For instance, by granting
parents the right to take leave before and after
childbirth and earmarking (signicant) parts of
the leave to mothers and other (smaller) parts
to fathers, the system both promotes mothers’
stronger involvement in child care and fathers’
dedication to (and even importance in) the labor
market (Boeckmann et al., 2015; Misra et al.,
2007; Stier & Mandel, 2009).
Thus, the organization of the parental leave
system, and how it incentivizes fathers to take
leave, affects the gender wage gap, and it may
do so through three mechanisms. First, when
policies allow parents to share a given num-
ber of weeks, a father’s longer leave mechani-
cally reduces mother’s leave, thus reducing the
depreciation of her labor market capital. Sec-
ond, because a father’s leave may increase his
household capital and strengthen his relation-
ship to the children, it increases the probability
that parents share domestic responsibilities after
the leave (as supported by Patnaik, 2015; see

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