Party Responsibility - a Critical Inquiry

AuthorHerbert Sonthoff,Murray S. Stedman
Date01 September 1951
DOI10.1177/106591295100400305
Published date01 September 1951
Subject MatterArticles
454
PARTY
RESPONSIBILITY - A
CRITICAL
INQUIRY
MURRAY
S.
STEDMAN,
JR.,
AND HERBERT
SONTHOFF
Swarthmore
College
NTEREST
IN
THE
QUESTION
of
reorganization
of
American
politi-
cal
parties
is
probably
at
an
all-time
high.
Since
the
end
of
World
War
II,
most
of
the
dozen
or
more
new
books
dealing
with
Congress
have
touched
on
the
problem;
and
innumerable
books
and
articles
have
dealt
with
the
parties
and
the
problem
directly.
The
Report
of
the
Com-
mittee
on
Political
Parties
of
the
American
Political
Science
Association
is
one
of
the
most
recent
contributions.’
It
suggests
the
need
for
more
centralized
parties,
and
rests
its
arguments
on
assumptions
usually
made
by
proponents
of
such
reform.
Some
of
these
assumptions
will
be
examined
in
this
article
and
frequent
reference
made
to
the
Report.
The
purpose,
however,
is
to
approach
the
study
of
these
assumptions
broadly,
rather
than
merely
to
center
attention
upon
the
Report.
I
There
may
be
wide
agreement
with
the
Report’s
assumption
that
the
present
two
party
system is
irresponsible,
although
the
precise
meaning
of
&dquo;irresponsible&dquo;
may
vary
greatly.
Yet
the
essence
of
the
assumption
is
that
the
American
party
system
is
an
inadequate
mechanism
for
translating
popular
wishes
into
action
or
specific
policy.
This
charge
rests
on
several
beliefs
which
are
open
to
considerable
doubt.
It
assumes
that
the
problem
of
popular
responsibility
is
largely
the
mechanical
one
of
organization,
i.e.,
that
responsibility
is
&dquo;effective&dquo;
only
when
there
exist
clear
lines
of
responsibility.2
If,
as
the
allegation
presupposes,
responsibility
is
a
matter
of
discipline,
it
becomes
a
fairly
narrow
and
rigid
premise.
There
is
also
an
implied
assumption
that
majority
rule
is
preferable
to
consensus
rule,
and
that
anything
less
than
majority
rule
is,
in
a
techni-
cal
sense,
irresponsible.
It
is
presumably
held,
therefore,
that
a
majority
established
by
consensus,
either
as
legislative
or
sectional
consensus,
is
not
true
majority
rule
and
is
hence
irresponsible.
This
argument
is
tenable
only
if
we
identify
majority
rule
with
majority
party
rule.
Such
an
identification,
however,
raises
the
central
problem
of
popular
government.
Is
it
empirically
true
that
all
sectional
interests
are
increasingly
negligible?
1
"Toward
A
More
Responsible
Two-Party
System."
Supplement
to
The
American
Political
Science
Review,
Vol.
XLIV,
No.
3 (September,
1950),
hereafter
referred
to
as
Report.
2
"Party
responsibility
is
the
responsibility
of
both
parties
to
the
general
public,
as
enforced
in
elections.
Party
responsibility
to
the
public,
enforced
in
elections,
implies
that
there
be
more
than
one
party,
for
the
public
can
hold
a
party
responsible
only
if
it
has
a
choice....
Party
responsibility
also
includes
the
responsibility
of
party
leaders
to
the
party
membership,
as
enforced
in
primaries,
caucuses
and
conventions."
Report,
p.
2.

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