Party Affiliation in the Southern Electorate

Published date01 March 2024
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/10659129231218734
AuthorSeth C. McKee
Date01 March 2024
Subject MatterArticles
Article
Political Research Quarterly
2024, Vol. 77(1) 432–446
© The Author(s) 2023
Article reuse guidelines:
sagepub.com/journals-permissions
DOI: 10.1177/10659129231218734
journals.sagepub.com/home/prq
Party Aff‌iliation in the Southern Electorate
Seth C. McKee
1
Abstract
This article chronicles and analyzes the changing state of party aff‌iliation in the American South from the 1990s to the
present. Party identif‌ication (PID) is examined with data from three survey sources: the American National Election
Study (ANES), Cooperative Election Study (CES), and Exit Polls (national and state-level). Emphasis is placed on the
changing PID patterns of white, Black, and Hispanic voters South-wide and in individual states. The f‌indings strongly
suggest that the current position of Republican electoral dominance will persist for some time to come, though there are
multiple reasons why, in certain parts of the South, Democratic aff‌iliation will likely increase.
Keywords
party identif‌ication, southern electorate, validated voters, Republican realignment
In his mid-twentieth-century masterpiece, Key (1949) set
aside one chapter (out of 31) in Southern Politics in State
and Nation for the Republican Party (chapter 13), f‌ittingly
titled, “A Note on the Republican Party.”Key goes into
some detail as to how the southern GOP in his time was
principally a patronage party concerned with distributing
federal largesse in presidential politics, which actually
carried the disincentive to make Republicans more
electorally viable (more spoils from the patronage pie for
the select Republican few). Also mentioned is the historic
African American allegiance to the GOP, a vestige and
tribute to the Great Emancipator Abraham Lincoln. To be
sure, factions within the Republican Party were prevalent
throughout the South and pitted the so-called Black-and-
Tans (minority GOP aff‌iliates) against the racist Lily-
Whites (see Heersink and Jenkins 2020). These race-
based intraparty Republican disputes centered upon
which group would be the benef‌iciary of presidential
patronage rather than a keen interest in growing the GOP
grassroots. Yes, the Republican Party had real (though
localized) electoral prowess in the anti-secession moun-
tainous sections of North Carolina, Tennessee, and Vir-
ginia, but beyond this, Key’s characterization of the mid-
twentieth-century southern GOP was unf‌lattering, face-
tious, and true:
One never knows who is and who is not a Republican. The
party places no imperative obligation of constancy on its
communicants. It scarcely deserves the name of party. It
wavers somewhat between an esoteric cult on the order of a
lodge and a conspiracy for plunder in accord with the ac-
cepted customs of our politics. (Key 1949, 277)
Today, erstwhile enclaves of southern Republicanism
(Heard 1952) have expanded to engulf most of the region
(Black and Black 2002,2007;Hood, Kidd, and Morris 2012;
McKee 2019). In short, GOP electoral dominance has come
to fruition (Bullock 2022a). But how sustainable is it? The
more racially diverse urban South is growing the most in a
rapid-growth region (Bullock et al. 2019), and it is literally
moving Democratic (Morris 2021). However, South-wide,
population growth is uneven, and hence, some scholars have
takentoclassifyingthe11ex-Confederate states as either
growth (Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
Texas, and Virginia) or stagnant (Alabama, Arkansas,
Louisiana, Mississippi, and Tennessee) (Bullock 2022b;
Bullock et al. 2019).
1
The more rural stagnant states are now
the most Republican in terms of representation and party
identif‌ication (PID) (Hood and McKee 2022b). Neverthe-
less, despite relatively greater partisan competitiveness in the
growth states, except for Virginia,
2
they also comfortably
favor Republicans.
Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK, USA
Corresponding Author:
Seth C. McKee, Department of Political Science, Oklahoma State
University, 220 Social Sciences and Humanities, Stillwater, OK 74078,
USA.
Email: mckee@okstate.edu

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