Part C. Attribution of Income
| Pages | 259-310 |
| Author | Marvin A. Chirelstein,Lawrence Zelenak |
259
Part C
ATTRIBUTION OF INCOME
Although a taxpayer may regard her immediate family—her
husband and minor childre n, say—as an eco nomic unit from the
standpoint of resources and expenditures, with a few important
exceptions the federal income tax treats e ach member of the family
as a separate taxable person.
1
This separate-taxable-person
treatment means, for example, that if a child has earned income in
his own right (for example, from work as an actor or from—to invoke
ancient history—delivering newspapers), the income is taxed to the
child himself. The tax law does not lump the child’s income togethe r
with his parents’, even though parents and children are obviously
members of a single household. The same is true of other family
“entities”, such as family trusts and family corporations. Such
entities, natural or otherwise, are ge nerally viewed as separate
taxpayers, each with its own independent status under the tax law.
2
At the same time, of course, the federal income tax structure is
progressive: as an individual receives additional income, his tax also
goes up but at a greater rate of increase. This is so because additional
segments of income may be taxed at higher marginal rates than their
predecessors. It follows that a family whose income is taxed to one
member only—say the father—would usually pay a higher overall
tax than a family whose income is divided evenly among all the
members of the group. For example, if a married couple with three
children has adjusted gross income of $272,200 in 2026, and claims
the standard deduction, the pre-credit tax (on a joint return) is about
$42,800. But if the same income can somehow be r eported on fo ur
returns (the joint return p lus one each for the three children) at the
rate of $68,050 for each return, the overall pre-credit tax on the
family will be about $22,200, and a tax-saving of roughly $20,600 will
have been achieved.
3
Potential saving s of this size operate as an inducement to the
taxpayer to find some means of shifting taxable income to the lower-
1
The two most significant exceptions to the separate-taxable-person treatment
of family members? First, the so-called kiddie tax (9.02) generally taxes unearned (i.e.,
investment) income of children at their parents’ marginal tax rate. Second, in many
(but not all) respects a husband and wife electing to file a joint return (9.04) are treated
as a single taxpayer.
2
There is a significant exception here as well. Income of a so-called grantor
trust (9.01) is taxed to the grantor, rather than to the trust.
3
This assumes a standard deduction—$32,200 for the parents, and $16,100 per
child—is available on each of the four returns.
260
ATTRIBUTION OF INCOME
PT. C
bracket children. If part of the taxpayer’s income was derived from
property, for many decades a simple tax reduction strateg y was to
transfer that prop erty to the children by outright gift. Thus, if a
father gave a hundred shares of stock to his daughter, the periodic
dividends which the daughter received thereafter would be taxed to
her as owner of the property. Moreover, under the rule of Taft v.
Bowers (4.01), any unrealized appreciation in the value of the stock
also would be treated as belonging to the child, even though such
appreciation occurred before the gift was made. This strategy still
works with respect to gifts of income-producing property to non-
dependent adult children of the taxpayer (or, for that matter, to
friends and relations of the taxpayer other than the taxpayer’s
children), but the so-called kiddie tax (9.02)—added to the Code in
1986—now defeats this strategy in the case of gifts to minor children
and depe ndent adult children. Technically, the kiddie tax does not
change the rule that income from property is taxed to the owner of
the property, but it taxes the child on that income at the marginal
tax rate of the child’s parents, thus eliminating the income-shifting
benefits of gifts to minor children and dependent adult children.
What about those whose income is derived from personal efforts
rather than property ownership? If the tax on dividends, interest and
rents can be shifted by outright gifts of the underlying property (in
situations to which the kiddie tax does not apply), what about wages,
salaries and fees? One cannot give away one’s skills very easily, yet
there is something disturbing in the conclusion that income -shifting
is a device available to property owners alone. Can the tax on fruits
of personal services be shifted? If not, what justifies or at least
explains the apparent discrimination? And even with respect to
property owners, there may be questions of a troublesome nature
when the gift is other than a simple outright transfer of all
substantial rights. Suppose, for example, that the owner of income-
producing property transfers it to another family member (with
respect to whom the kiddie tax does not app ly) but retains a right to
revoke the transfer and take the property back whenever he chooses.
Will the property be regarded as belonging to the transferee for tax
purposes, or will the transferor’s revocation right be considered the
equivalent of continued ownership? The law must decide how far the
property owner should have to go in the direction of an outright
transfer to assure that the income from a gift of property will be taxed
to someone other than himself. Here, as in the case of gifts of personal
service income, there appear to be two candidates for taxability, each
with a significant link to the income in question. And as no legal basis
exists for apportioning the income between them, it is evidently
necessary for the law to choose one candidate to the e xclusion of the
other. The question, of course, is which.
SEC. 8
THE EARLY CASES
261
The development of leg al principles governing choice of taxable
person was largely left to judicial construction during the early days
of the income tax. Between 1930 and 1940 the Supreme Court
decided a substantial number of cases involving income attribution,
largely unde r the authority of what is now § 61. These early cases
generally favored the government (w ith certain significant
exceptions). While their results were “correct” in the sense that any
other set of outcomes would have put taxpayers in a position to
render the progressive rate structure a virtual nullity, the Court’s
use of § 61 for this purpose was, shall we say, creative. The section
defines gross income but says nothing directly about to whom the
income belongs. Yet the alternative to judicial rulemaking (at least
until Congress should act) would have been to allow taxpayers to
make the choice of taxable person for themselves, and thus to
minimize their tax burdens more or less at will.
The discussion that follows is divided into two sections. Section
8 dige sts the early cases and shows how the Supreme Court
formulated “common law” attribution principles under the general
authority of § 61. These decisions became the basis for subsequent
legislative action, particularly in the fields of trusts and family
partnerships. Although partly displaced by specific Code provisions,
the early decisions contin ue to have application in many situations
not expressly covered by statute, and for this reason they are part of
the basic professional vocabulary of every tax specialist. Section 9
considers some of the statutory rules on income attribution: 9.01
takes up the subject of gifts in trust, now largely dealt with by
detailed Code provisions; 9.02 describes the kiddie tax; 9.03 examines
family business associati ons, especially family partnerships. Brief
reference to another statutory “solution” —the split-income joint-
return procedure which is available to husbands and wives—is made
in the subsection immediately following, with further details at 9.04,
while the Co de treatment of alimony (drastically changed by 2017
legislation) is described at 9.05.
8. The Early Cases
8.01 Gifts of Personal Service Income; Lucas v. Earl; Poe
v. Seaborn
(a) Redirected Salary
In Lucas v. Earl,
4
the taxpayer, a lawyer, entered into a contract
with his wife in 1901, 12 years before the enactment of the modern
federal income tax. Unless the taxpayer was amazingly prescient,
4
281 U.S. 111 (1930).
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