Ortega y gAsset and the Theory of the Masses

Date01 September 1961
DOI10.1177/106591296101400304
Published date01 September 1961
AuthorManuel Maldonado-Denis
Subject MatterArticles
676
ORTEGA
Y
GASSET
AND
THE
THEORY
OF
THE
MASSES
MANUEL
MALDONADO-DENIS
Universidad
de
Puerto
Rico
MONG
those
anti-democratic
theories
that
have
claimed
the
attention
~-~
of
the
Western
world,
the
theory
of
the
Elite
must
be
given
special
A
attention.
For
it is
the
main
contention
of
this
school
of
thought
that
democracy
as
such
is
an
impossibility,
that
all
rule
is
rule
by
a
minority
or
an
elite.
By
asserting
this
proposition
the
Elitists
seek
to
do
away
with
one
of
the
fundamental
premises
upon
which
democracy
is
founded,
namely,
that
the
ulti-
mate
power
of
decision
always
rests
with
the
people,
and
that
they
exercise
this
power
either
directly
or
through
their
elected
representatives.
Theorists
like
Mosca,
Pareto,
and
Michels
denied
that
the
latter
statement
was
a
true
descrip-
tion
of
social
reality.
Pareto,
for
example,
believed
that
every
society
is
ruled
by
a
minority
that
possesses
the
qualities
necessary
for
the
accession
to
full
social
and
political
power.
Those
who
get
on
top
are
always
the
best:
they
are
the
&dquo;elite&dquo;
-
and
there
occurs
a
process
of
&dquo;circulation
of
the
elites&dquo;
in
terms
of
which
new
segments
of
the
population
are
gradually
absorbed
by
the
ruling
elite
in
order
to
survive.
The
composition
of
the
ruling
class
generally
fluctuates
between
the
&dquo;lions&dquo;
and
the
&dquo;foxes&dquo;:
the
former
are
generally
conservative,
do
not
hesitate
to
use
force,
and
are
strongly
attached
to
the
nation;
the
latter
are
crafty
and
live
by
their
wits,
relying
on
fraud
and
deceit.
The
ruling
class
is
consequently
divided
into
two
segments
or
strata;
and
it
was
Pareto’s
belief
that
in
order
to
justify
or
rationalize
their
use
of
power
the
elites
have
recourse
to
what
he
called
&dquo;deri-
vations,&dquo;
which
are
myths
created
by
the
ruling
class
as
a
means
of
duping
the
masses
into
subservience.
Pareto’s
&dquo;derivations&dquo;
had
their
counterpart
in
Mosca’s
theory
of
&dquo;the
political
formula.&dquo;
I
For
Mosca
as
well
as
for
Pareto
there
was
always
as
a
matter
of
fact
in
every
society
a
ruling
class
and
a
ruled
class,
and
the
former
sought
to
shroud
its
rule
in
the
guise
of
a
&dquo;political
formula&dquo;
or
myth.
Instead
of
asserting
like
Pareto
that
there
is
in
every
society
a
struggle
for
power,
Mosca
thought
that
it
was
a
&dquo;struggle
for
pre-eminence&dquo;
that
led
even-
tually
to
the
emergence
of
a
ruling
class
in
every
society.
This
ruling
class,
as
NOTE:
jos6
Ortega
y
Gasset
(1883-1955),
considered
by
many
as
the
greatest
philosopher
of
the
Spanish-speaking
world,
was
born
in
Madrid,
where
he
returned
after
several
years
of
exile
in
1947,
and
died
in
1955.
He
studied
at
Marburg,
Leipzig,
and
Berlin,
and
it
was
through
him
that
the
main
currents
of
German
philosophy
came
to
fertilize
Spanish
thought.
A
great
many
of
his
philosophical
works
(such
as
The
Revolt
of
the
Masses,
published
in
1930)
first
saw
the
public
light
as
newspaper
articles.
Ortega
founded
the
excellent
journal
Re-
vista
de
Occidente
(1923)
where
he,
together
with
Europe’s
greatest
minds,
contributed
to
the
discussion
of
the
great
issues
that
were
facing
the
world
at
the
time.
Revista
de
Oc-
cidente
became
the
editorial
center
for
the
translation
into
Spanish
of
the
most
important
philosophical,
scientific,
and
historical
works
written
in
other
languages,
as
well
as
the
intellectual
center
of
the
Spanish-speaking
world.
On
his
return
to
Spain,
Ortega
founded
the
&dquo;Instituto
de
Humanidades&dquo;
at
Madrid,
an
institution
that
is
still
carried
on
through
the
efforts
of
his
disciples.
To
Ortega’s
collected
works
(6
vols.),
there
are
being
added
at
present
his
unedited
works,
of
which
six
volumes
have
already
appeared.
1
In
the
exposition
of
Pareto’s
thought,
I
am
indebted
to
David
Easton’s
"The
Theory
of
the
Elite,
a
Study
of
Elitist
Trends
in
the
Nineteenth
Century"
(Ph.D.
dissertation,
Harvard
University,
1947);
and
to
J.
H.
Hallowell’s
Main
Currents
of
Modern
Political
Thought
(New
York:
Holt,
1950),
pp.
536-44.

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