Originalism's curiously triumphant death: the interpenetration of aspirationalism and historicism in U.S. constitutional development.

AuthorKersch, Ken I.
PositionBook review

FIDELITY TO OUR IMPERFECT CONSTITUTION By James E. Fleming. (1) New York: Oxford University Press. 2015. Pp. xv + 243. $75.00 (cloth).

As someone preoccupied with the nature and processes of U.S. constitutional development from an empirical, positivist as opposed to a prescriptive, normative perspective--in is rather than ought--my interest in contemporary constitutional theory of the sort practiced at a high level by Jim Fleming is oblique. I care more about history than theories of justice, about how the Constitution has actually been read to structure public (and private) authority in the United States over time than about justifying either the "best" readings of the parameters of that authority generally, or worrying in particular about what theory of interpretation can justify a judge in exercising his or her purportedly problematic "counter-majoritarian" powers of judicial review to hold legislation null and void on the grounds that it contravenes the nation's fundamental law. (3) When I nod my head "yes" about constitutional theory, it is thus most immediately over what Michael Dorf identifies as the "'eclectic' accounts" of Philip Bobbitt and Richard Fallon, scholars who find--usefully, but not surprisingly--that over the long course of American history, judges have used an array of "modalities," or types of arguments, in publicly justifying their decisions in their judicial opinions. (4) If one moves beyond judicial opinions to constitutional arguments made in the roiling public sphere (parties, elections, social movements, interest groups, and diverse forms of individual and collective legal consciousness, including political and legal claim-making), of course, the modes of argument multiply, and the matter overspills the ambit of professional, institutional justification. (5) There is a lot of is out there.

At the same time, however, certainly in the United States--and perhaps in many other places as well--there is a lot of "ought" in the "is." What has happened is, in significant part, a function of claims made, in various fora, about what should happen. There is thus, and always has been, a lot of empirically observable and verifiable "aspirationalism" in U.S. historical and constitutional development. At the same time, however, there are also a lot of empirically, positivistically verifiable appeals to heritage and history in American aspirationalism--and that aspirationalism also has a history. In light of these dynamics--both aspects of which Fleming helpfully recognizes in Fidelity to Our Imperfect Constitution--Fleming wants to call the fight for aspirationalism. But I think the book as a whole shows that we can call it a draw: there is no reason, or even grounds, for drawing a sharp distinction between one and the other. The extent we feel inclined to do so is an artifact of the trajectory of the living constitutionalist-originalist debates of mid-to-late twentieth century America, debates that Fleming's book demonstrates, to me at least, are, in their most familiar forms, likely not long for this world.

The Living Constitutionalist v. Originalist binary has long seemed to me something of a parlor game: it was always a false opposition. But Fleming fails to note that Living Constitutionalism, Aspirationalism, and Constitutional Perfectionism are also "isms." The two positions--at least in their contemporary form in recent constitutional theory, born in an age of isms--were mutually constitutive. Fleming's Fidelity to Our Imperfect Constitution aspires to transcend this binary and reconcile in constitutional theory appeals to history and aspiration to the best interpretation. While in the end, he doesn't fully succeed, I do agree with the core of the argument in this book, if not its ultimate conclusion. What pleasantly surprises me is the degree to which Fleming, a leading Rawlsian and Dworkinian constitutional theorist, has incorporated the claims of history and the insights of scholars of American political and constitutional development (and the legal scholars who commune with them) into his otherwise largely "philosophical" work. He suggests that the essentials of the key portions of that work that he adopts here--about "is," and the concrete, and "fit"--were in Dworkin and Rawls (Political Liberalism) all along--a not wholly convincing bit of (creative) mopping up. But this is a matter for intellectual historians. The key point is that, as constitutional theory, what he sets out here, now, seems mostly to work.

HISTORY IN ASPIRATIONALISM/PERFECTIONISM

While recognizing the uses of history in constitutional argument and justification, Fleming plainly sees the book's take-home point as involving the preeminence of aspiration. Let's focus first on aspirationalism or perfectionism's concessions to history. First is Fleming's acknowledgement of what (following the later Rawls) we may call "political perfectionism." "[T]o be persuasive in our constitutional culture," Fleming says here, "one generally needs to argue that one's interpretations fit with the past, show the past in its best light or fulfill the promises of our abstract moral commitments and aspirations." (p. 108). He makes clear, however, that this is in no way a concession to originalism (or, at least, to the traditional, "old-time," hard-form originalism of Robert Bork and Antonin Scalia). "It is a moral reading or philosophic approach that aspires to fidelity to our imperfect Constitution" (p. 108). (6) And Fleming criticizes "constitutional theorists who are not narrow originalists [including his earlier self?] ... [for] hav[ing] not paid sufficient attention to how arguments based on history, both adoption history and post-adoption history, function in constitutional law" (p. 136). Here, Fleming highly praises recent work by Jack Balkin that does precisely this. (7) He signs on to the criticism by Balkin and his fellow broad originalists of liberals and progressives for ignoring history and ceding it to conservatives (pp. 136-37). Fleming is thus now favorably disposed towards historical argument in constitutional debate (and adjudication) if taken to advance a moral reading and not as an alternative to it, with history acting in service to the judges engaging in their primary responsibility of exercising moral judgment (pp. 91-92).

At the same time, Fleming distances the constitution-perfecting, aspirationalist theory with which he has long been associated from its longstanding ties to theories of judicial supremacy, and takes a friendly stance toward pluralistic, "protestant," and departmentalist models of constitutional practice (8) (p. 174). He also acknowledges in an unconcerned way the history of the plural constitutional forms of justification or multiple modalities that have always been used by judges in their judicial opinions--that is, the observations highlighted in the eclectic accounts of Bobbitt and Fallon. In doing this, Fleming here distances himself from living constitutionalism as an "ism" (p. 57).

Fleming's model, however, retains a clear hierarchy of values, with history in the subservient or instrumental role, honored rather than (necessarily) followed, servant, not rival, to justice. While he certainly affords a role to historical arguments in American constitutionalism, he is express--and emphatic--about their subsidiarity: they are at most minor premises to philosophy's major premises about justice and the nature of the good.

This is problematic. I agree with Fleming's conclusion that fidelity is indispensable to any plausible constitutional theory: I, for one, count this commitment to a duty to fidelity as yet another of originalism's victories--though Fleming insists it was there in Dworkin all along. (9) It was, after all, originalists who most centrally and insistently tied the duty of fidelity to the Constitution's status as law, arguing that it was inherent in the very concept of the rule of law (though, to be sure, they were hardly the only to note or mention it). Law as fidelity was originalism's great thrust. (10)

But Fleming's position on history as handmaiden underplays its indispensability as living constitutionalism's life force. Fleming's failure to afford this reality its due highlights his vestigial monism, in a book that breaks new ground in his theoretical project in reconciling itself with constitutional pluralism. Monism is hierarchical. And Fleming's fondness for philosophical clarity, for setting out hypotheses, premises, major and minor, and the like in the form of formal logic, necessarily entails this monistic hierarchy of values, in which justice is the major premise and history the minor one. This is, I submit, the wrong way to look at it.

There is a history here that Fleming does not tell in Fidelity to Our Imperfect Constitution, perhaps because that history is about the relationship over time between academic (and particularly legal academic) constitutional theory and party/movement politics driven by an underlying politics of conservativism v. progressivism/liberalism. While he takes some steps in the direction of emphasizing a non-binary, interpenetrating complexity, Fleming's hierarchy remains wedded to...

To continue reading

Request your trial

VLEX uses login cookies to provide you with a better browsing experience. If you click on 'Accept' or continue browsing this site we consider that you accept our cookie policy. ACCEPT