Organizational Practices and Second-Generation Gender Bias: A Qualitative Inquiry into the Career Progression of U.S. State-Level Managers
Author | Al C Johnson-Manning,Helisse Levine,Meghna Sabharwal,Maria D’Agostino |
DOI | 10.1177/02750740221086605 |
Published date | 01 July 2022 |
Date | 01 July 2022 |
Subject Matter | Articles |
Organizational Practices and Second-
Generation Gender Bias: A Qualitative
Inquiry into the Career Progression of
U.S. State-Level Managers
Maria D’Agostino
1
, Helisse Levine
2
, Meghna Sabharwal
3
,
and Al C Johnson-Manning
4
Abstract
Ely and Meyerson’s gendered organizations framework reconceptualizes traditional gender differences defined by biology and
lack of structural opportunities, to a complex set of social relations in the workplace. We apply this framework to second-
generation gender bias to further understand impediments to women’s career progression in the public sector workplace. In-
depth interviews of state-level administrators in U.S. public sector agencies indicate that “narratives”perpetuate second-gen-
eration gender bias that is deeply ingrained in organizational practices and policies, especially for women and women of color.
This framework can be applied to future studies examining the gendered nature of organizations in different workplace set-
tings. Moving beyond already identified barriers, this study offers a comprehensive framework to understand how second-gen-
eration gender bias is central to long-standing workplace inequities.
Keywords
second-generation gender bias, gendered organizations, career progression, barriers to career progression, women in the
workplace
Introduction
Gender-related
1
differences in public sector career progres-
sion are due to a number of organizational practices deeply
ingrained in systemic norms, policies, and structures that
are biased (Acker, 1999; O’Neil & Hopkins, 2015). These
practices support deeply entrenched divisions and inequities
between men and women often in subtle and unintended
ways that appear to be gender-neutral (Ely & Myerson,
2000). Studies document that the gendered nature of organi-
zations negatively contributes to women’s equity in the
workplace, especially as they seek to advance to high-level
management and leadership positions (e.g., Hale, 1999;
Saidel & Loscocco, 2005; Acker, 2012; Olsson & Pringle,
2004; Agarwal, 2018). Despite this considerable literature,
one characteristic of gendered organizations that public
administration scholars have only marginally discussed
(Schacter 2015; Mastracci & Arreola, 2016) is
second-generation gender bias (SGGB). A subtle, less
visible, and oftentimes unintentional form of discrimination,
SGGB is defined as invisible barriers to women’s advance-
ment that arise from cultural beliefs about gender, workplace
structures, practices, and patterns of interaction that inadver-
tently favor men (Batara et al., 2018; Calás & Smircich,
2009; Ely & Meyerson, 2000; Kolb & McGinn, 2009;
Madsen & Andrade, 2018; Sturm, 2001). Indeed, public
administration research on barriers to leadership positions
is not new. From Newman (1993) and Guy (1993, 1994) to
Alkadry and Tower (2014) and Hill et al. (2016), and
others (e.g., Kerr et al., 2002; Riccucci, 2009; Schachter,
2015; D’Agostino, 2017; Sabharwal, 2015; Sabharwal
et al., 2017; Stivers, 2002) public management scholars
who study gender have identified several barriers for
women to leadership positions (e.g., Alkadry, & Tower,
2014; D’Agostino & Levine, 2010; Newman, 1993; 1994;
Guy, 1993, 1994; Sabharwal, 2015; Stivers, 2002).
However, the extent to which SGGB has been studied in
1
Public Administration, John Jay College of Criminal Justice, New York, NY,
USA
2
Public Administration, Long Island University, Brooklyn, NY, USA
3
Public Affairs, University of Texas at Dallas, Richardson, TX, USA
4
School of Economic, Political and Policy Sciences, The University of Texas
at Dallas, Dallas, TX, USA
Corresponding Author:
Maria D’Agostino, Public Administration, John Jay College of Criminal
Justice, 524 West 59th Street, New York, NY 10019, USA.
Email: mdagostino@jjay.cuny.edu
Article
American Review of Public Administration
2022, Vol. 52(5) 335–350
© The Author(s) 2022
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DOI: 10.1177/02750740221086605
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public administration is minimal at best, with few exceptions
(D’Agostino et al., 2020; Schachter, 2015). This absence in
the literature lends itself to understanding how SGGB prohib-
its women’s career advancement in the public sector. Moving
beyond the already identified barriers, research on SGGB is a
critical step in addressing long-standing workplace
inequities.
Based on the themes and subthemes that emerge from
in-depth interviews of state-level administrators, this research
advances the gendered organizational literature by offering a
holistic approach to understand how gender bias is central to
long-standing workplace inequities. First, we consider gen-
dered organizations as a theoretical basis for women’s
career progression in the public sector. Next, we define
SGGB as a systemic and unintentional barrier to developing
equitable workplaces. We build on Ely and Myerson’s (2000)
framework on gendered workplace practices to describe
SGGB as an iterative process that influences (1) formal pro-
cedures and practices, (2) informal practices—including
norms and patterns of work, and (3) narratives that perpetuate
gender inequities in organizations. Methods and analysis
follow, concluding with areas for future study.
Literature Review
Gendered Organizations
In 1990, Joan Acker recognized that it was not individuals in
an organization that was gendered, but the organizations
themselves. In contrast to the long-standing way of thinking
about gendered organizations, where women themselves
were considered the problem (Britton & Logan, 2008),
Acker offered a new way of thinking about how gender is
built into the structure of work organizations (Williams
et al., 2012). Acker’s Theory of Gendered Organizations
Acker’s (1992) describes gender as a central component in
organizations that “presents in the processes, practices,
images and ideologies, and distributions of power”
(p. 567). Several studies since have relied on Acker (1990;
1992) to understand gender inequities in the public sector
workplace including representative bureaucracy (Saidel &
Loscocco, 2005; Martin, 1992), higher education, police
departments (Davies & Thomas, 2002; McTavish and
Thomson, 2007), and as a result of exogenous forces, such
as the sociopolitical environment (Ward, 2004). Most
recently, Springer’s (2020) work on gendered theory
focuses on how performance metrics are inherently designed
to favor masculinity leading to gender inequity in perfor-
mance evaluations.
Also building on Acker’s theory, Britton’s (2000) gen-
dered organization typology classifies workplace gender
inequities as (1) being inherently gendered, (2) distributed
disproportionately by gender, and (3) embedded in social
practices. The first perspective maintains that hierarchies
will sustain and reproduce gender inequities. Public
administration research (e.g., DeHart-Davis, 2009; Baron
et al., 2007; Kmec, 2005) that applies this perspective pro-
poses that bureaucratic practices can reduce bias. The
second perspective argues that the extent to which organiza-
tions are male or female-dominated, that is, regardless of the
organizational form (i.e., bureaucratic), an organization’s
inequities will persist unless men and women are distributed
throughout the organization (Rubin, 2000; Alkadry &
Towers, 2011; Choi, 2018). The third perspective, which
identifies gender in social practices, acknowledges that orga-
nizations are gendered in the behaviors and practices that
they value (Britton 2000; Ely & Meyerson, 2000). Ely and
Meyerson (2000) argue that the unbalanced influence of
gender within an organization is not due to sex differences,
but rather the result of “a complex social process enacted
across a range of organizational phenomena, from formal
policies and practices to informal patterns of everyday inter-
action, which appear to be gender-neutral on their face, yet
reflect and maintain a gendered order in which men and
various forms of masculinity remain”(p. 590). However,
most public administration research on the topic of bias has
been both descriptive and limited. Mastracci and Bowman
(2015) call for more empirical studies to fully explore how
gendered organizations contribute to inequity, obstructing
women’s career progression in the public sector.
Also inherent in gendered organizations, intersectionality
considers the various ways in which multiple social catego-
ries intersect to shape outcomes for women in the workplace
(Shelby Rosette et al., 2018). According to Acker (2012)
“gendered processes do not stand alone, but intersect with
and are shaped by race and class processes, as well as other
forms of inequality and exclusion”(p. 214).
Intersectionality, coined by Crenshaw in 1989, explains
how race and gender intersect to reproduce racism and
sexism against women of color (Stainback et al., 2016;
Heckler, 2019). According to Bishu et al. (2020) intersection-
ality also describes how gender and race influence and
contour work-related outcomes in varying ways. Therefore,
it is important to consider and acknowledge that those who
fall within the intersection of race and gender identity find
themselves in a “double bind”of more pronounced, or com-
pounding, barriers to success (Martinez, 2021).
Second-Generation Gender Bias
Having replaced overt discrimination (e.g., first-generation
gender bias), SGBB pertains to a stealthy form of discrimina-
tion against women in society and the workplace which lacks
the intent to exclude or to produce direct harm to women in
society (Ibarra et al., 2013a). Unlike implicit bias, which
refers to an individual’s general attitudes or stereotypes
(Greenwald & Krieger, 2006), SGGB is embedded in a “set
of social relations enacted across social practices”(Ely &
Meyerson, 2000, p. 113). SGGB embodies organizational
practices that may appear neutral on the surface, yet reflect
336 American Review of Public Administration 52(5)
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