Neuhebraische Grammatik auf Grund der altesten Handschriften und Inschriften.

AuthorMalone, Joseph L.

While this reference grammar has the virtues of indicating the exact textual source for almost all examples (geared to the listing of texts and abbreviations on pp. 1-24) and frequently provides phrase- or clause-length illustrations, it is unfortunately marred by a number of infelicities. I list these here under four headings, with the hope that future editions may benefit and render a useful handbook even more useful.

Linguistically questionable assumptions and designations

"Nasalierung" as a possible explanation for the interchange between m and n, e.g., the masculine plural [Hebrew Text Omitted] and [Hebrew Text Omitted] (p. xiii) is meaningless since both m and n are nasal to begin with (though note 15 suggests that Ridzewski may simply be transmitting an idea of Z. Ben-Hayyim).

[Hebrew Text Omitted] in the sense of 'someone, man, on' functions, not as an "unbestimmter Artikel," but as an "unbestimmtes Pronomen" (p. xiv); similarly for [Hebrew Text Omitted] (p. 104).

Hebrew-Aramaic hybrid verbs are first implied to be impossible (p. xv) but later assumed to be attested (p. xvii, n. 39).

The bald assumption that "y kann im Wortanlaut zu l werden" (p. 36) in the foreign name [Hebrew Text Omitted] is misleading at best, since we are here probably witnessing a sporadic lexical reduplication-like assimilation, as later recognized by Ridzewski herself (p. 40); similarly [Hebrew Text Omitted] missing in [Hebrew Text Omitted] (p. 45) should be qualified as to its frequency.

What is the evidence that [Hebrew Text Omitted] in [Hebrew Text Omitted] (Gen. 1:31) is a noun rather than an adjective (p. 62, n.3)? To judge by the examples listed later under [section]5.2, the absence of the article on [Hebrew Text Omitted] would seem to reflect a subregularity of the ordinal adjective construction (p. 107).

Problems with phonetic interpretation

[Hebrew Text Omitted] as initial [w] (p. 31) is problematic because interchange with [Hebrew Text Omitted] (p. 28f., 31, n. 31) suggests that such [w] had already consonantized to [v] (or [[Beta]]).

Apart from the question of whether long a was rounded [??] (as in Tiberian) or flat [a] (as Ridzewski transcribes), the diphthong in the complex suffix 'his (plural)' was almost certainly short-nucleic [??] (as Tiberian) or [aw], not [aw] (pp. 31, 51; cf. my Tiberian Hebrew Phonology [Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1993], 77).

Short a appears for what are reduced vowels (schwa, hataph pathah) in Tiberian: ani and...

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