Neighborhoods That Matter: How Place and People Affect Political Participation

AuthorCarrie LeVan
DOI10.1177/1532673X19852370
Published date01 March 2020
Date01 March 2020
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/1532673X19852370
American Politics Research
2020, Vol. 48(2) 286 –294
© The Author(s) 2019
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DOI: 10.1177/1532673X19852370
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Article
Introduction
That residential context affects individual political behavior is
well established in the literature. Previous research shows that
the sociodemographic composition and the partisan/ideologi-
cal diversity of neighborhoods influence political participation
(Cho, Gimpel, & Dyck, 2006; Costa & Kahn, 2003; Enos,
2016, 2018; McClurg, 2006; Mutz, 2002a, 2002b; Oliver,
2001). Less understood is how the physical composition (i.e.,
the built environment) might also impact political participa-
tion. I want to better understand how, in addition to social con-
text, the physical characteristics of neighborhoods affect
political behavior.
The notion that the built environment might also affect
political behavior is not new. In 1961, Jane Jacobs described
the typical urban neighborhood as a place where neighbors
knew each other’s names, talked on street corners, and
bumped into each other at the local delicatessen. For Jacobs,
and many scholars who followed (Calthorpe & Fulton, 2001;
Duany & Plater-Zyberk, 1995; Duany, Plater-Zyberk, &
Speck, 2000; Jackson, 1985; Kennedy, 1978; Kohn, 2004;
Leydon, 2003; Lofland, 1998; Oldenburg, 1999; Oliver,
2001; Putnam, 2000), these unplanned social interactions
between neighbors played an integral role in influencing
individual political behavior, because these encounters on
city streets helped develop an individual’s desire to engage in
community life (Jacobs, 1961). Central to Jacobs’s descrip-
tion of why these unplanned interactions took place was the
physical characteristics of these neighborhoods.
Social scientists have begun testing these claims about
physical context, but the research has had design limitations.
Past studies have relied on measures at high levels of aggre-
gation, like city, despite the fact that neighborhood design
may vary greatly within these larger geographic areas (Oliver,
2001). Measures for design, like the percentage of a census
tract commuting, have also been used to try and capture the
physical characteristics of neighborhood, but these measures
present potential problems of measurement error (Hopkins &
Williamson, 2012; Oliver, 2001, 2003). And although past
studies assert that the reason neighborhood design affects par-
ticipation is because it influences talk between neighbors,
studies have lacked measurement of this neighborly contact
they claim happens between design and participation (Duany
& Plater-Zyberk, 1995; Duany et al., 2000; Hopkins &
Williamson, 2012; Jackson, 1985; Oliver, 2001).
This article attempts to improve how physical context is
measured and to test the claims of previous scholars that
neighborly contact mediates the effects of neighborhood
design and individual participation. It begins with a nation-
ally representative survey with measures of the frequency of
neighbor interaction and individual participation. To the sur-
vey, I merged respondents’ census tract information and then
used Google Maps images to code respondents’ neighbor-
hood design features. With it, I test whether or not neighbor-
hoods with interactive design characteristics—sidewalks,
852370APRXXX10.1177/1532673X19852370American Politics ResearchLeVan
research-article2019
1Colby College, Waterville, ME, USA
Corresponding Author:
Carrie LeVan, Department of Government, Colby College, 4000
Mayflower Hill, Waterville, ME 04901, USA.
Email: calevan@colby.edu
Neighborhoods That Matter: How Place
and People Affect Political Participation
Carrie LeVan1
Abstract
Well established in the literature is that social context, like the racial or partisan composition of neighborhoods, affects individual
political behavior. Less understood is how the design of neighborhoods may also influence these behaviors. This article seeks to
improve how physical context is measured and to examine how the built environment subsequently affects individual political
participation. Using a nationally representative survey with measures of the frequency of neighbor interaction and individual voter
turnout and to which I merged respondents’ census tract information and then used Google Maps images to code respondents’
neighborhood design features, I show how the physical structure of residential places—whether homes have porches, streets
are tree-lined, neighborhoods have natural gathering places—promotes neighborly exchanges that subsequently affect individual
voter turnout.
Keywords
political participation, voter turnout, social capital, social network, neighborhood design

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