Negative Cases in the Nexus Between Self-Control, Social Bonds, and Delinquency

AuthorAlex R. Piquero,Ryan C. Meldrum,Carter Hay
Published date01 January 2013
Date01 January 2013
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/1541204012447959
Subject MatterArticles
Articles
Negative Cases in the Nexus
Between Self-Control, Social
Bonds, and Delinquency
Carter Hay
1
, Ryan C. Meldrum
2
, and
Alex R. Piquero
3
Abstract
Gottfredson and Hirschi view social bonds and crime as spurious correlates that are associated
largely because each results from self-control. Prior tests undermine this hypothesis, pointing to
negative cases that run counter to its logic. The authors examine this issue with attention to negative
cases in which self-control does not translate into the expected level of social bonding. Analyzing
data from a sample of U.S. adolescents, the authors found that negative cases constitute between
8% and 27% of cases and that assessing them sheds new light on the interconnections between
self-control, social bonds, and delinquency.
Keywords
social bonds, self-control, general theory of crime, delinquency, spuriousness
The nexus between self-control, social bonds, and crime is a central issue in criminology (Sampson
& Laub, 1993; Wright, Caspi, Moffitt, & Silva, 1999), and one idea in particular has guided much of
the discussion. In A General Theory of Crime, Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) argued that associa-
tions between social bonds and crime are spurious and attributable largely to preexisting individual
differences in self-control. According to this view, self-control is developed in the first decade of life
and is crucial for social bonding because those with low self-control are less likely to maintain pro-
social attachments and commitments. Ultimately, those with high self-control and social bonds
should be less involved in crime, but self-control rather than social bonds are seen as the principal
cause of crime.
These arguments comprise what has been referred to as ‘‘the spuriousness thesis’’(Evans, Cullen,
Burton, Dunaway, & Benson, 1997, p. 494) or the ‘‘social selection’’ model (Wright et al., 1999,
p. 480). They have attracted significant attention, and for good reason—they suggest that the social
1
College of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Florida State University, Tallahassee, FL, USA
2
Department of Criminal Justice, Florida International University, Miami, FL, USA
3
Program in Criminology, University of Texas at Dallas, Richardson, TX, USA
Corresponding Author:
Carter Hay, College of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Florida State University, 634 W. Call St., Tallahassee, FL 32306, USA
Email: chay@fsu.edu
Youth Violence and JuvenileJustice
11(1) 3-25
ªThe Author(s) 2013
Reprints and permission:
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DOI: 10.1177/1541204012447959
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experiences emphasized by most criminological theories are causally unimportant and largely
determined by an individual characteristic (low self-control) that is shaped in large part by age
10. Prior tests of the spuriousness thesis often have not supported this position, at least not entirely
(e.g., Longshore, Chang, & Messina, 2005; Wright et al., 1999). Specifically, although bonds–crime
associations often are reduced when accounting for differences in self-control, they often remain
statistically and substantively significant.
This pattern indicates that although the process that Gottfredson and Hirschi describe may occur
on some level, negative cases—cases that deviate from this expected process—also likely exist to
some degree. For example, there may be cases in which social bonds maintain an independent link
to later crime because their development is not as reliant upon self-control as the general theory of
crime predicts. It bears emphasizing, however, that little is known about these negative cases—no
attention has been devoted to identifying the specific forms they take, how common they are, and
how delinquency varies across different types of negative cases. This represents a lost opportu-
nity—as Giordano (1989, p. 278) argued, ‘‘Every theory has negative cases. Rather than ignore
them, analyzing their characteristics in more detail offers a useful mechanism for refining and
extending a given perspective.’’
This study directs attention to a type of negative case that is central to the spuriousness thesis:
One in which the level of self-control does not translate into the corresponding level of social bond-
ing. Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) argue that such cases should be relatively rare because the
development of social bonds is highly reliant on self-control (and the persistence, patience, and
thoughtfulness that it implies). However, even if negative cases are rare, they may still be informa-
tive—exceptions to a theoretical rule often can point to fruitful areas for theoretical elaboration
(Sullivan, 2011). Moreover, it is possible that the empirical link between self-control and social
bonds is not as straightforward as the general of theory of crime predicts, and this directs attention
to three questions regarding negative cases. First, what portion of individuals fit a pattern in which
self-control does not translate into the expected level of social bonding? Second, what form do neg-
ative cases take—do they principally involve individuals with high self-control who fail to develop
strong bonds, or alternatively, those with low self-control who unexpectedly develop strong bonds?
Our third research question focuses on implications for delinquency of these negative cases: When
there is incongruence between self-control and social bonds, which factor has the greatest influence
on delinquency?
Addressing these questions can yield more nuanced insights on the nexus between self-control,
social bonds, and crime, and this should facilitate theoretical development in this area. Moreover, by
shedding light on the extent to which self-control deficits in childhood translate into subsequent
problems with social bonding, research on this issue can inform policy efforts meant to prevent
or reduce delinquency among high-risk children and adolescents. We return to these issues in the
final section of the paper. Next, however, we describe the spuriousness thesis and the related
research in greater detail, before turning to our analysis of data from a sample of U.S.
adolescents.
The General Theory of Crime and the Spuriousness Thesis
According to Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990), self-control should emerge in the first decade of life
when parents monitor child behavior and recognize and discipline deviance when it occurs. This tea-
ches children that deviance has consequences and that they must self-regulate. Alternatively, when
parents fail to do these things, children are placed in a precarious position—they recognize the
immediate pleasures associated with crime and deviance, but do not prioritize the negative conse-
quences of such acts. Thus, they should have low self-control and engage in many acts—criminal
or noncriminal—that carry short- and long-term consequences.
4Youth Violence and Juvenile Justice 11(1)

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