Narcissistic Women and Cash-Strapped Men: Who Can Be Encouraged to Consider Running for Political Office, and Who Should Do the Encouraging?

• Author: Julie Blais,Scott Pruysers
• DOI: 10.1177/1065912918786040
• Published date: 01 March 2019
• Date: 01 March 2019
• Subject Matter: Articles

786040PRQXXX10.1177/1065912918786040Political Research QuarterlyPruysers and Blais
research-article2018
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Political Research Quarterly
2019, Vol. 72(1) 229 –242
Narcissistic Women and Cash-Strapped
© 2018 University of Utah
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Men: Who Can Be Encouraged to
https://doi.org/10.1177/1065912918786040
DOI: 10.1177/1065912918786040
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Consider Running for Political Office,
and Who Should Do the Encouraging?
Scott Pruysers1 and Julie Blais2
Abstract
This paper not only considers whether encouragement can be an effective tool for increasing political ambition,
but it also asks whether the source of that encouragement matters. That is, are some sources of encouragement
more credible and effective than others? In addition, it explores the profiles of those individuals who are most likely
to be receptive to recruitment, accounting for factors such as age, gender, income, education, political interest,
knowledge, and personality. To answer these questions, we conducted two studies. The first is a survey of eligible
voters. We recruited 371 Canadians from a national panel, asking a variety of questions regarding their level of political
ambition. Importantly, we uncover distinct profiles for men and women who are most likely to respond positively to
encouragement. In the second study, we conducted an online experiment with 443 undergraduate university students.
Here, we focus on the question of who is providing the encouragement as we manipulated the gender of the actor
providing the encouragement to run for office. We find that women who are encouraged by a male party recruiter
are significantly less likely to express interest in a political career than those in our gender-neutral control condition.
Keywords
political ambition, recruitment, political parties, gender, representation
Introduction
receive more (Cross and Young 2013; Lawless and Fox
2005, 2010). Even more problematic is recent evidence
The continued underrepresentation of women in national
suggesting that women are less likely to respond posi-
legislatures around the world has resulted in renewed
tively to recruitment efforts than men (see Preece and
attention and scrutiny at the recruitment of potential leg-
Stoddard 2015; Preece, Stoddard, and Fisher 2016). We
islative candidates, especially the recruitment efforts of
are, therefore, left with a situation in which women tend
political parties and party officials (Bjarnegard and
to need to be asked to run before they enter politics, are
Kenny 2015; Cross and Young 2013; Crowder-Meyer
less likely to be asked to run, and, when they are asked,
and Lauderdale 2014; Dittmar 2015; Kenny 2013; Norris
are less likely to respond positively. This is not very
and Lovenduski 1995; Verge 2015). As gatekeepers to
encouraging if we are concerned with increasing the gen-
elected legislatures, political parties play an important
der parity of the ballot.
role in deciding who can contest the general election and,
As Preece, Stoddard, and Fisher (2016, 562) note,
therefore, who has the possibility of being elected (Caul
however, the literature has tended to be too “focused on
1999; Cross et al. 2016; Krook 2010; Pruysers and Sayers
who gets asked, not how those who are asked respond.”
2018). Without more women in the candidate pool, more
We take this critique further: not only has the literature
representative legislatures are unlikely to be produced.
ignored how those who are asked respond, but it has also
Recent evidence, however, highlights a number of chal-
not fully considered who asks and how responses can
lenges in this regard. The literature suggests that party
officials recruit men “more frequently and more intensely
1University of Calgary, AB, Canada
than women” (Butler and Preece 2016, 842). This is espe-
2Carleton University, Ottawa, ON, Canada
cially troubling given that men are more likely to be self-
starters or political entrepreneurs when it comes to
Corresponding Author:
Scott Pruysers, Department of Political Science, University of Calgary,
candidacy whereas women tend to be recruited. In other
2500 University Drive NW, Calgary, AB, Canada T2N1N4.
words, men need less encouragement to enter politics but
Email: scott.pruysers@ucalgary.ca

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Political Research Quarterly 72(1)
vary as a result. Furthermore, in focusing on who gets
studies and inform our hypotheses regarding encourage-
asked, little attention has been devoted to who says yes,
ment and gender affinity in candidate recruitment. Gender
beyond traditional explanations such as sociodemograph-
gaps in political behavior are well established and have
ics. This paper addresses both of these limitations in the
been identified for vote choice (Inglehart and Norris
current political ambition and recruitment literature.
2003), political interest (Delli Carpini and Keeter 1996),
First, the paper not only considers whether encourage-
political efficacy (Burns, Schlozman, and Verba 2001),
ment can be an effective tool for increasing political
and voter turnout (Firebaugh and Chen 1995). Political
ambition, but it also asks whether the source of that
ambition is no exception (Fox and Lawless 2005).
encouragement matters. In other words, are some sources
Although the literature provides compelling and consis-
of encouragement more credible and effective than oth-
tent evidence of this gap, it is worth empirically re-
ers? Second, it explores the profiles of those individuals
exploring gender differences in political ambition in this
who are most likely to be receptive to recruitment,
paper for at least two reasons. First, the majority of
accounting for factors such as age, gender, income, edu-
research demonstrating a gender gap in the desire to seek
cation, political interest and knowledge, and personality.
political office has been limited to the United States (i.e.,
To answer these questions, we conducted two studies.
Carroll 1985; Costantini 1990; Elder 2004; Fox and
The first is a survey of eligible voters in Canada. We
Lawless 2005; Lawless and Fox 2005, 2010, 2013).
recruited 371 Canadians from a national panel, asking a
Second, research outside of the United States has often
variety of questions regarding their level of political ambi-
relied on University students, rather than utilizing a more
tion. Importantly, we include a number of questions that
representative sample of citizens (i.e., J. Blais and
ask respondents whether they would consider running for
Pruysers 2017; Pruysers and Blais 2017). We address this
office if a party official, community leader, family mem-
limitation by examining political ambition among a more
ber, or friend/colleague encouraged them to do so. Here,
representative sample of Canadian voters. Consistent
we also include a large battery of personality items, explor-
with the existing literature, we expect to find consider-
ing important, though understudied, individual differences.
able differences between men and women with regard to
In the second study, we conducted an online experiment
their level of political ambition, with men exhibiting
with 443 undergraduate university students. Here, we
higher levels of ambition in general and more confidence
focus on the question of “who asks” as we manipulated the
in their qualifications and ability to win office should
gender of the actor providing the encouragement to run for
they decide to run.
office. The combination of the two studies allows us to
explore whether encouragement might be an effective tool
Hypothesis 1 (H1): Men will exhibit higher levels of
for increasing political ambition, and investigate differ-
political ambition than women. This will extend
ences between the various sources of encouragement.
beyond interest in a political career and will also apply
The paper proceeds in four steps. We begin by review-
to confidence in their political abilities and self-per-
ing the political ambition and recruitment literature that
ceived qualifications.
informs our various hypotheses. This is followed by a dis-
cussion of our data (sample, etc.) and measures. This is
Given the unrepresentative nature of national legisla-
particularly important as we include a variety of explana-
tures, political parties (and advocacy groups such as Vote
tory variables, such as personality traits, which are still
Run Lead) have begun to engage in online and mail cam-
relatively new to the study of political behavior in general,
paigns to encourage women to enter politics. The
and political ambition more specifically. We then turn our
Canadian Liberal Party, for instance, established an
attention to an empirical analysis of political ambition, and
“Invite Her to Run” campaign in the lead up to the 2015
the impact of encouragement and its source. While the sur-
general election, in which women could be nominated to
vey data reveal that other actors can be just as effective as
receive a message of support from the party to consider
parties in fostering a sense of political ambition among
running for office.1 In a similar fashion, the Women’s
men and women, the experimental results provide evi-
Campaign Fund has issued more than two hundred thou-
dence to suggest that women respond poorly to recruitment
sand invitations to women in the United States, encourag-
by male party officials. The paper ends with a...