Municipal Government and Special-Purpose Authorities
| Author | Annette Baker Fox,William T.R. Fox |
| DOI | 10.1177/000271624020700123 |
| Published date | 01 January 1940 |
| Date | 01 January 1940 |
| Published By | Sage Publications, Inc. |
| Subject Matter | Articles |
176
Municipal
Government
and
Special-Purpose
Authorities
By
WILLIAM
T.
R.
FOX
and
ANNETTE
BAKER
FOX
NICE
again
municipal
government
V is
meeting
new
demands
by
piece-
meal
adaptations
of
old
forms.
To
the
student
of
public
administration
preach-
ing
the
virtues
of
integration,
this
must
seem
a
backward
step.
Like
the
Port
of
London
Authority
from
which
their
name
is
derived,
the
new
authorities
which
have
been
created
lack
the
inde-
pendent
tax-levying
powers
of
the
older
units;
they
finance
themselves
through
the
power
to
borrow
against
anticipated
revenues.
The
recent
increase
in
the
birth
rate
of
special
public
corporations
on
the
municipal
level
has
redirected
attention
to
those
extra
layers
of
government
in
the
larger
urban
areas
whose
jurisdiction
includes
(and
may
extend
beyond)
the
area
of
the
central
municipality.
The
Bureau
of
the
Census
lists
such
units
for
sixty-two
out
of
the
ninety-four
largest
cities
in
its
1936
Financial
Statistics
of
f
Cities.
Most
widespread
and
in
many
cases
most
ancient
is
the
independent
school
district,
which
in
ninety-nine
of
the
191
cities
with
population
of
50,000
or
more
has
undivided
control
over
its
own
budget.
Newest
is
the
housing
authority,
which
has
been
set
up
in
229
communities,
including
twelve
out
of
the
fourteen
largest
cities.
Of
the
175,-
000
independent
units
enumerated
by
William
Anderson
in
his
Units
of
Gov-
ernment
in
the
United
States,
very
few
are
in
the
category
treated
here.
Yet
each
affects
the
lives
of
thousands
and
in
some
cases
millions
of
persons.
Table
1
includes
sixty-one
in
the
twenty-six
largest
cities.
MOTIVES
FOR
SEPARATE
INCORPORATION
The
earliest
justification
for
such
units
was
that
the
new
function
had
to
be
kept &dquo;free&dquo;
of
politics
and
politi-
cians ;
so
separately
incorporated
school
districts
were
created.
Similarly,
the
transfer
of
the
earlier
private
corpora-
tion
or
association
libraries
to
public
auspices
was
achieved
with
the
under-
standing
that
they
remain
&dquo;out
of
poli-
tics&dquo;
and
therefore
independent.
Where,
as
with
Philadelphia
and
Pittsburgh,
the
boards
are
partly
or
wholly
self-perpetu-
ating,
the
special
unit
may
be
freed
not
only
from
politics
but
from
any
form
of
public
control.’
True
or
false,
belief
in
the
efficacy
of
independence
persists
and
was
used
among
other
arguments
to
justify
the
independence
of
the
housing
authority.
Proponents
of
any
new
governmental
function,
both
lay
and
expert,
tend
to
favor
independence
because
it
frees
them
from
making
administrative
or
political
concessions
necessary
in
an
integrated
administration.
Legal
independence
is
not,
however,
certain
to
prevent
political
pressure.
With
regard
to
education,
Henry
and
Kerwin
found
indications
that
application
of
such
pressure
was
just
as
frequent
in
the
case
of
inde-
pendent
schools
as
in
others.’
2
In
fact,
an
intensive
study
of
the
Chicago
school
system’s
relations
with
the
municipal
government
showed
that
in
the
absence
of
legal
integration,
&dquo;the
stage
is
set
and
will
continue
to
be
set
for
integration
under
other
auspices-those
of
machine
politicians
and
the
financial
overlords.&dquo;
3
State
political
bosses
have
sometimes
1
Carleton
Bruns
Joeckel,
The
Government
of
American
Public
Libraries
(Chicago:
Uni-
versity
of
Chicago
Press,
1935),
pp.
89-90,
180-81.
2
Nelson
B. Henry
and
Jerome
G.
Kerwin,
Schools
and
City
Government
(Chicago:
Uni-
versity
of
Chicago
Press,
1938),
pp.
92-93.
3
John
A.
Vieg,
The
Government
of
Educa-
tion
in
Metropolitan
Chicago
(Chicago:
Uni-
versity
of
Chicago
Press,
1939),
p.
255.
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