Multimember Districts' Effect on Collaboration between U.S. State Legislators

Date01 August 2012
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/j.1939-9162.2012.00050.x
Published date01 August 2012
AuthorJUSTIN H. KIRKLAND
JUSTIN H. KIRKLAND
University of Houston
Multimember Districts’ Effect on
Collaboration between
U.S. State Legislators
In this article, I demonstrate that multimember districts form a basis for collabo-
ration between two legislators. In order to maximize the limited incumbency advantages
they possess, legislators from multimember districts form coalitions in an effort to
generate greater credit-claiming opportunities and policy benef‌its for their district. In
order to test this conception, I utilize a natural experiment and an opportunity to observe
institutional change in North Carolina’s elimination of multimember districts during the
2000–2002 redistricting cycle. Coupled with cross-sectional analysis of severalstates that
use both single-member and multimember districts, empirical evidence strongly corrobo-
rates my conception of multimember districts as a basis for collaboration between
representatives.
American legislatures are more than a collection of individual
agents calculating the costs and benef‌its legislation once implemented.
They are social constructions inhabited by social beings that have com-
plicated inf‌luences on one another. In other words,a legislature is a social
network of rational actors making decisions in an interdependent system
of relationships. Legislators inf‌luence and are inf‌luenced by their rela-
tionships with one another. Party (Sarbaugh-Thompson et al. 2006), geo-
graphic distance (Caldeira and Patterson 1987, 1988; Clark, Caldeira,
and Patterson 1993), and gender (Bratton and Rouse 2011; Desmarais,
Cranmer, and Fowler 2009) all inf‌luence these relationships, and these
relationships in turn inf‌luence legislative outcomes (Arnold, Deen, and
Patterson 2000; Fowler 2006a; Kirkland 2011; Peoples 2008). Qualita-
tive interview evidence provides strong support for the notion that leg-
islators take cues and signals from one another about which legislation to
support (Kingdon 1973, 1989; Ray 1982; Songer et al. 1986; Sullivan
et al. 1996).
The evidence that relationships play an important role in legislating
is strong. What is missing from this literature is an understanding of how
the institutions of a legislature inf‌luence the formation and maintenance
LEGISLATIVE STUDIES QUARTERLY, XXXVII, 3, August 2012 329
DOI: 10.1111/j.1939-9162.2012.00050.x
© 2012 The Comparative Legislative Research Center of The University of Iowa
of legislative relationships. The structure-induced equilibrium school of
thought (Shepsle 1979; Shepsle and Weingast 1994) tells us that institu-
tional arrangements help a chamber avoid suboptimal outcomes by con-
straining behaviors. However, most of the work in this tradition has
focused on how institutions inf‌luence choices over bill outcomes and
committee behavior. If institutions in a legislature can inf‌luence choices
by legislators, then these institutions can also affect choices overcollabo-
rative relationships. For example, multimember districts force legislators
to share geographic constituencies, which should alter their incentives for
collaboration and provide natural allies for use in the securing of policy
benef‌its.
In this research, I take advantage of a unique opportunity to study
institutional change in a legislature. Using cosponsorship data as an
indicator of a collaborative relationship between two legislators, I study
the transition in the North Carolina legislature from a multimember
district system to a single-member system in 2002. I couple this with
cross-sectional analyses of cosponsorship networks in the four states
that use some combination of single-member and multimember
districts (Maryland, New Hampshire, Vermont, and West Virginia).
Results support my theory indicating that multimember systems
generate or strengthen relationships between actors with shared
constituencies.
Institutional Incentives for Collaborative Relationships
To understand how multimember districts might shape legislative
behaviors, I begin by assuming that legislative policy preferences are
multidimensional and are driven by a desire to satisfy constituents’ pref-
erences for government action (Crespin and Rohde 2010; Hixon and
Marshall 2007; Talbert and Potoski 2002). That is, legislators prefer to
sponsor, promote, and pass legislation that assists them in maintaining
their positions as elected representatives. I also assume that some issues
have clear partisan def‌initions, while other issues are less easy to def‌ine
along a partisan continuum.1For example, some legislative issues like
abortion fall cleanly along partisan lines. However, legislators from mul-
timember districts or similar geographic regions may have very similar
preferences over distributive legislation even if they are of different
parties.
Further, I also assume that a legislature has some f‌inite amount of
policy it can create targeted towards a specif‌ic district.That is, a legisla-
ture can only pass so many bills or distribute so much public funding
before a session concludes or a budget is emptied. This constraint is a
330 Justin H. Kirkland

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