Mitigating the Effect of a Criminal Record at Sentencing

DOI10.1177/0887403412459542
Date01 January 2014
AuthorNatalie R. Ortiz,Cassia Spohn
Published date01 January 2014
Subject MatterArticles
Criminal Justice Policy Review
2014, Vol 25(1) 3 –28
© 2012 SAGE Publications
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DOI: 10.1177/0887403412459542
cjp.sagepub.com
459542CJP25110.1177/0887403412459542Cri
minal Justice Policy ReviewOrtiz and Spohn
1Arizona State University, Phoenix, AZ, USA
Corresponding Author:
Natalie R. Ortiz, School of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Arizona State University,
411 N. Central Ave., Suite 600, Phoenix, AZ 85004, USA.
Email: natalie.ortiz@asu.edu
Mitigating the Effect
of a Criminal Record
at Sentencing: Local
Life Circumstances and
Substantial Assistance
Departures Among
Recidivists in Federal Court
Natalie R. Ortiz1 and Cassia Spohn1
Abstract
The assumption in courts and sentencing research is that recidivists—or,
defendants with a criminal record who are facing new charges—are considered more
blameworthy and perceived as more dangerous by courtroom decision makers,
including prosecutors. Nagel and Schulhofer suggested that defendants with a prior
record may be viewed as sympathetic by federal prosecutors because of “human
factors,” leading to substantial assistance departures in these cases. We conceptualize
human factors as local life circumstances, or temporally bound situations that
make attributional statements about the defendant. We operationalize local life
circumstances in terms of employment status, financial responsibility to dependents,
and drug use, and determine whether these circumstances affect the likelihood of a
receiving a substantial assistance departure among defendants with an established
record of criminality. In addition to case characteristics, employment and drug use
increased the likelihood of a prosecutor-sponsored sentence departure among
recidivists in federal court.
Keywords
sentencing, drug offenders, prosecutors, criminal history
Article
4 Criminal Justice Policy Review 25(1)
Most central to the issue of criminal history is recidivism. While not all individuals
who have been convicted of a crime reoffend, a large number do, particularly offend-
ers who were sentenced to prison; moreover, they recidivate within a very short time
following release from prison (Langan & Levin, 2002; Spohn & Holleran, 2002).
Even among offenders who were not incarcerated on their initial conviction, allega-
tions of new crimes imply new court cases, new charges, and new prosecutions. The
dominating assumption is that recidivists—or, defendants with a criminal record who
are facing new charges—are considered more blameworthy and perceived as more
dangerous by courtroom decision makers, including prosecutors (Kramer & Ulmer,
2009; Steffensmeier, Ulmer, & Kramer, 1998; Ulmer, Kurlychek, & Kramer, 2007).
Despite such assumptions, empirical research focusing on recidivists, as a distinct
category of defendants, is limited. This is problematic because sentencing policies in
the 1990s not only accelerated the growth of the prison population but contributed also
to the proliferation of criminal records (Jacobs, 2006). Given the pervasiveness of
criminal records or criminal histories—1 in 33 adults was under some form of criminal
justice supervision at the end of 2010 (Glaze, 2011)—there is reason to suspect that
prosecutors may consider factors beyond a prior record in making decisions that affect
the sentencing of defendants with a prior record (Nagel & Schulhofer, 1992; Vigorita,
2001). For reasons that will be discussed, addressing the empirical void on the prose-
cution of recidivists is relevant for understanding prosecutorial decision making in the
federal court system under sentencing guidelines.
Theoretical Context of the Current Study
According to the “focal concerns” perspective, having prior convictions increases the
blameworthiness of defendants and signals that they are a threat to community safety
(Albonetti, 1991; Kramer & Ulmer, 2009; Steffensmeier et al., 1998; Wasik, 1987).
Such a position taken by courtroom actors, and to a different degree by policymakers,
translates to the philosophic principles of desert and utilitarianism. According to
retributive theory, recidivists are deserving of some form of punishment that is more
severe than that given to defendants without criminal records (Roberts, 1997).
Similarly, utilitarian justifications for punishment, including incapacitation and deter-
rence, justify the harsher punishments for recidivists that are mandated by sentencing
guidelines and various state laws on the grounds that such punishments reduce future
criminality and protect public safety (Kessler & Levitt, 1998).
In most state court systems with sentencing guidelines and in the federal system,
longer sentences for recidivists result from the fact that criminal history is one of the
two factors that determine the presumptive sentence (Kauder & Ostrom, 2008). In
states without sentencing guidelines, having a prior felony conviction may result in
more severe penalties through sentence enhancements (Kessler & Levitt, 1998). As a
circumstance with social relevance, a criminal record acts as a proxy for the defen-
dant’s moral character (Durham, 1987). Durham (1987) and others (Bridges & Steen,
1998; Roberts, 1997) maintain that a prior record makes an attributional statement that

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