Minding the Gap: Networks of Animal Welfare Service Provision

AuthorMinting Ye,Laura A. Reese
Date01 July 2017
DOI10.1177/0275074015623377
Published date01 July 2017
Subject MatterArticles
American Review of Public Administration
2017, Vol. 47(5) 503 –519
© The Author(s) 2015
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DOI: 10.1177/0275074015623377
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Article
This research focuses on public service delivery in the con-
text of an important emerging urban policy issue: the num-
bers of roaming and homeless animals in distressed cities in
the United States. Increasing economic stress and the con-
comitant reduction in public financial resources in the wake
of the Great Recession make it extremely difficult for local
governments to respond to changing public policy environ-
ments, address new public problems, and provide new or
expanded services. The case of urban animal welfare policy
illustrates a domain that relies heavily, and in some cities
almost exclusively, on networks of nonprofit organizations
for service provision. How these networks function and the
interaction between nonprofit and public entities says much
about how cities will be able to respond to new policy
environments.
Companion animal overpopulation is a growing problem
in the United States; a fertile cat can produce one to two lit-
ters of four to six kittens per year, and the average fertile dog
produces one litter with an average of four to six puppies
annually.1 Given that there are an estimated 70 million stray
cats and dogs in the country and that only 10% of animals
received by animal shelters are spayed or neutered, the
potential for animal overpopulation is extreme.1 In addition
to strays, an average of 324,5001 animals are relinquished to
animal shelters yearly by their owners due to family disrup-
tion (divorce, death), foreclosure, economic problems, or
minor behavioral issues.2 Current estimates of animals in
shelters in the United States range from three to eight mil-
lion.3 Since there are only about 13,600 community animal
shelters, euthanasia due to overcrowding is common4; esti-
mates of animals euthanized in shelters annually vary widely,
from 4 to 17 million (Bartlett, Bartlett, Walshaw, & Halstead,
2005). It has been estimated that US$2,400 million public
dollars were spent on shelters in 2007 and that communities
across the United States spend about US$8 per capita annu-
ally on shelters5; animal services are commonly provided at
the local level of government. Yet, little extant research
exists on this service area; city managers indicate that the
need to address animal issues took them by surprise once on
the job (Swindell, Hilvert, & Thoreson, in press).
Stray and feral cats and dogs are a visible aspect of the
animal welfare problem in many urban areas in the United
States. A long acknowledged problem in cities worldwide,
free-roaming animals are a serious public health, safety, and
policy issue in many distressed urban centers (Estrada-
Franco et al., 2006; Suzán & Ceballos, 2005). Estimates of
stray and feral dogs in the City of Detroit, the focus of this
study, range from 3,000 to 50,000. Although the higher fig-
ure is unlikely (as it would represent a dog for every 14 resi-
dents), even 3,000 would mean 1,000 dogs per each of the
now three animal control officers in the city. Urban
1Michigan State University, East Lansing, MI, USA
2De Anza College, Cupertino, CA, USA
Corresponding Author:
Laura A. Reese, Michigan State University, 447 Berkey, East Lansing, MI
48824, USA.
Email: reesela@msu.edu
Minding the Gap: Networks of Animal
Welfare Service Provision
Laura A. Reese1 and Minting Ye1,2
Abstract
This research focuses on public service provision in the context of an important emerging urban policy issue: increasing
numbers of roaming animals in distressed cities in the United States. The case of urban animal welfare policy illustrates a
policy domain that relies heavily on informal networks of nonprofit organizations for service provision. How these networks
function and the interaction between nonprofit and public entities says much about how cities will be able to respond to
increasingly changing policy environments. Based on survey and network analysis of organizations involved in animal welfare
service provision in Detroit, the following conclusions are drawn: Urban animal welfare services are much broader than
simple animal “control” and encompass the physical, behavioral, and emotional well-being of animals; less common aspects
of animal welfare services evidence the highest levels of cooperation; a fragmented network of nonprofit rescues and public
entities is providing animal welfare services in the City of Detroit although nonprofit providers dominate; and collaborative
service networks vary greatly in size, density, and composition depending on different aspects of services provided.
Keywords
collaborative service networks, networks, animal welfare policy, nonprofit networks
504 American Review of Public Administration 47(5)
free-roaming dogs specifically raise a number of serious
public policy risks: public health threats including increased
exposure to dog bites and transmission of zoonotic diseases
such as rabies and leptospirosis,6 criminality related to dog
fighting and animal cruelty, visible signs of physical disorder
within communities, health threats to owned animals and urban
wildlife, and humane concerns for the dogs themselves.
This study focuses on the service provision environment
for emerging urban problems specifically examining informal
collaborative networks of public and nonprofit organizations.
In the context of weak public sector governing capacity, how
are new service needs addressed and what are the relation-
ships between the nonprofit and public sectors? The urban
animal welfare service environment explored here suggests
what may happen in public service provision in other rapidly
changing problem areas such as natural hazard emergencies,
disease outbreaks, or problems not even on the urban policy
radar. It makes several contributions to the literature on urban
service provision: it (a) describes and explores the parameters
of a public service not well examined in the extant litera-
ture—animal welfare—that has important implications for
human and animal health and safety in urban areas; (b) pro-
vides baseline information on the extent of service collabora-
tion between public and nonprofit organizations, the nature of
service provision networks, and initial findings on patterns of
collaboration from which further hypotheses can be devel-
oped and tested regarding the nature of informal service net-
works; and (c) provides baseline data on informal networks
that can serve as the starting point for longitudinal analysis of
network change and development.
Animal Welfare Policy
Because this research focuses on service provision related to
urban animal welfare a brief discussion of the policy domain
is necessary; there is a dearth of research on urban animal
policy. In a narrow sense, many communities have animal
ordinances and animal control functions to enforce those
ordinances. Model local animal ordinances have been recom-
mended by the National Animal Interest Alliance to include a
wide range of issues: licensing and rabies vaccinations; leash
requirements; definitions of “at-risk” and “dangerous” ani-
mals (typically dogs); licensing of feral cat colonies; animal
control/welfare advisory boards; investigation of cruelty,
abuse, and neglect cases; training for animal control person-
nel; regulations for adequate care; and antitethering ordi-
nances.7 However, there is no research to assess how closely
actual policies match the recommended model ordinances. In
addition, there is a great deal more to ensuring animal welfare
than even these “best practices” would suggest. There is a
good bit of contention regarding a definition of “animal wel-
fare” and much of the somewhat dated published work
focuses on use of animals in research and food production
(Brambell, 1965; Stafleu, Grommers, & Vorstenbosch, 1996).
Generally, however, definitions of animal welfare are quite
broad, for example, “A state of complete mental and physical
health, where the animal is in harmony with its environment”
(Hughes, 1976, quoted in Fraser, 1995, p. 111). This suggests
that animal welfare is achieved only if both biological fitness
(Barnett & Hemsworth, 1990) and an optimal mental state
(Dawkins, 1990) are present and an animal can fulfill its
needs and wants (Curtis, 1985) including cognitive and spe-
cies-specific behavior needs (Stafleu et al.,1996). Duncan
and Dawkins (1983) indicate that animal welfare is only
achieved if both physical and mental health are present, if the
animal lives in harmony with its environment and can adapt
to the environment without suffering, and if the animal’s feel-
ings are considered. Thus, “one should take the question
‘when does an animal’s life go well?’ as a starting point for
animal welfare” (Stafleu et al., 1996, p. 227).
The animal welfare function in U.S. cities is often seen as
one of “animal control” meaning that stray animals should be
removed from the streets, held temporarily in case owners
come forward, and then disposed of in some manner, either
through transfer to an animal shelter or through euthanasia.
Providing animal welfare services, on the contrary, requires
more of local providers because the well-being of the animal
more broadly defined must be taken into consideration.
Animal welfare policies must protect both the health and
safety of the human population of a city but also the health
and safety of the animals. In addition to exploring service
collaborations for an emerging urban problem, the analysis
to follow also delineates the parameters of the animal wel-
fare service function, which again can serve as the base of
future research given that very little is known about this
common service area and in light of the increasing pressure
placed on local animal services as a result of roaming dogs in
many cities.8
Service Collaboration and Networks
Service Collaboration
With devolution and strained municipal budgets, local ser-
vices are increasingly being provided through partnerships
and collaboration between nonprofits and public entities
(Keyes, Schwartz, Vidal, & Bratt, 1996; Van Slyke, 2007).
Organizations collaborate for a variety of reasons including
enhanced ability to influence policy decisions, creating or
expanding capacity to deliver public goods and services,
pooling resources, increasing access to information and
expertise, and strengthening individual and collective capac-
ity to, and effectiveness in, addressing community-wide
issues (Agranoff & McGuire, 2003; Huang & Provan, 2007;
O’Toole, 1997). Collaboration is particularly necessary when
stakeholders are not organized, there is disparity in resources
and levels of expertise among stakeholders, problems are
characterized by technical complexity, unilateral efforts are
unlikely to produce effective solutions, and where existing
processes for addressing problems have proved insufficient

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