Mind the Gap! Decoupling Between Policy and Practice in the Policing of Illegal Wildlife Trade

Date01 March 2022
Published date01 March 2022
DOI10.1177/0306624X20967953
Subject MatterArticles
https://doi.org/10.1177/0306624X20967953
International Journal of
Offender Therapy and
Comparative Criminology
2022, Vol. 66(4) 369 –388
© The Author(s) 2020
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DOI: 10.1177/0306624X20967953
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Article
Mind the Gap! Decoupling
Between Policy and Practice
in the Policing of Illegal
Wildlife Trade
Siv Rebekka Runhovde1
Abstract
Despite numerous promises and pledges at national and international levels to
confront what many acknowledge as a crisis, illegal trade in wild plants and animals
continues to grow and diversify. Empirical research conducted in Norway and
Uganda from 2013 to 2015 indicates that despite the different circumstances in
which law enforcement operates in the two countries, policing agents face a number
of comparable challenges. Drawing on institutional theory the paper argues that
decoupling, that is, gaps between official policies and daily work activities within the
policing organizations, compromises enforcement in both countries. Challenges stem
from conflicting demands, poor resources and want of guidelines that oblige officers
to prioritize the control of illegal wildlife trade in practice.
Keywords
decoupling, illegal wildlife trade, policing, transnational crime, institutional theory
Introduction
Illegal wildlife trade (IWT)1 is a form of serious crime that takes place across the
globe. Extensive deliberations continue, and millions are invested in projects to con-
front IWT successfully and sustainably. In recent years, nation states have developed
a greater level of interest in responding to environmental threats partly due to their
impact upon national and international economic interests (White, 2011) and in the
last decade, there has been increased emphasis on law enforcement agencies to stop
crimes against wildlife (see e.g., Moreto, 2015; White, 2016). Organizations like
INTERPOL and a number of United Nations bodies have developed million-dollar
1The Norwegian Police University College, Oslo, Norway
Corresponding Author:
Siv Rebekka Runhovde, The Norwegian Police University College, Slemdalsveien 5, Oslo 0369, Norway.
Email: siv.runhovde@phs.no
967953IJOXXX10.1177/0306624X20967953International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative CriminologyRunhovde
research-article2020
370 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 66(4)
global programs to tackle the problem. Celebrities, politicians, and even royalty have
joined the cause, garnering increased awareness, forming new organizations and foun-
dations to generate funding and bring together key actors. Several high-level summits
have been held to address the scourge of wildlife crime, invariably concluding with a
“declaration,” “pledge,” “accord” or similar proclamation about the latest integrated
global response. Success however, has been limited. As noted by Gosling (2018):
Despite some isolated but often disputed signs of hope, the illegal trade in plants and
animals continues to grow and diversify. Networks of groups and individuals, working
loosely together across continents, kill, process, smuggle, and sell wildlife, primarily
driven by the motive of illicit financial gain.
With the advent of fields such as “eco-global criminology” (White, 2011), “environ-
mental criminology” (White, 2008), “conservation criminology” (Gibbs et al., 2010)
and “green criminology” in particular (Beirne & South, 2007; Brisman, 2014; Sollund,
2008; South, 2014; White & Heckenberg, 2014), environmental crime is receiving
attention across academic disciplines. With several contributions focusing specifically
on crimes against wildlife, the volume of scientific literature on this issue has grown
significantly (see e.g. Ngoc & Wyatt, 2013; Sollund, 2015; van Uhm, 2015, 2016;
Wyatt, 2009, 2013). Considerable research indicates that the lack of success in tackling
wildlife crime stems from existing wildlife law regimes not working in their practical
implementation and that the enforcement of wildlife crime suffers as a result (Nurse,
2012, 2015; Wellsmith, 2011). Across jurisdictions, problems identified pertain to i.a. a
lack of resources, lack of police priority and inconsistency in policing approaches
(Nurse, 2015, p. 112). A fundamental problem highlighted by Han and Nelen (2017) is
that global and government-level wildlife protection policies or activities are not imple-
mented by the law enforcement authorities that tackle wildlife smuggling in the field.
Some customs administrations, while giving the appearance of conformity and compli-
ance, actually implemented no substantive change in their daily practices and tackled
wildlife smuggling purely in a symbolic manner (Han & Nelen, 2017). By building on
previous analyses of counter-IWT enforcement in two separate jurisdictions; Norway
and Uganda (see Runhovde 2015, 2016, 2017a, 2017b), in this article I explore whether
enforcement officers in the two countries are facing comparable challenges and to what
extent the lack of success in curbing illegal trade may stem from gaps between policy
and practice, applying institutional theory as an explanatory framework.
Situated in northern Europe and East Africa respectively, authorities in Norway
(Direktoratet for Naturforvaltning, 2010; Politidirektoratet, 2010, 2013) and Uganda
(Uganda Police, 2014) have acknowledged IWT as a problem that needs to be addressed
and prioritized and both countries have adopted laws and regulations to protect wildlife
and confront crime nationally. A relevant instrument in this context is the multilateral
Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species of Wild Fauna and Flora,
known as CITES. Currently there are 183 member countries, or “Parties” to CITES
across the globe. Norway ratified CITES in 1976, Uganda in 1991. CITES is an inter-
national agreement that seeks to ensure that trade in plants and animals does not threaten

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