Migration, Transfers and Child Labor

AuthorRalitza Dimova,Ira N. Gang,Gil S. Epstein
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1111/rode.12156
Date01 August 2015
Published date01 August 2015
Migration, Transfers and Child Labor
Ralitza Dimova, Gil S. Epstein, and Ira N. Gang*
Abstract
We examine agricultural child labor in the context of emigration, transfers and the ability to hire outside
labor. We start by developing a theoretical background and show how hiring labor from outside the house-
hold and transfers to the household might induce a reduction in children’s working hours. Analysis using
Living Standards Measurement Survey (LSMS) data on the Kagera region in Tanzania lend support to the
hypothesis that both emigration and remittances reduce child labor.
1. Background
According to the International Labor Organization (ILO–IPEC, 2013) about 168
million children between the ages of 5 and 14 are working in developing countries.
Asia and the Pacific have the largest numbers (almost 78 million or 9.3% of the child
population), but Sub-Saharan Africa continues to be the region with the highest inci-
dence of child labor (59 million, over 21%). There are 13 million (8.8%) children in
child labor in Latin America and in the Caribbean and in the Middle East and North
Africa there are 9.2 million (8.4%). The negative implications of even the less hazard-
ous occupations on human capital accumulation, child and adult health and future
outcomes such as labor market performance and intergenerational poverty traps is
well documented (Basu, 1999, 2000; Basu and Chau, 2008; Edmonds, 2008).
The literature explaining child labor incidence in developing countries centers
around (i) the need for child employment to meet the family’s very basic subsistence
requirements (Basu and Van, 1998; Basu, 1999), (ii) a response to the absence of
credit markets (Baland and Robinson, 2000; Ranjan, 1999, 2001), and (iii) low returns
to education (Bacolod and Ranjan, 2008). Child labor generally falls with increases in
gross domestic product (GDP) per capita, life expectancy, international trade, educa-
tional spending and GDP growth (Saad-Lessler, 2010). Policy proposals include the
universal banning of child labor and banning the use, export and imports of products
made with child labor, improving credit markets, imposing minimum wage restrictions
and providing income support to households. The literature examines other policy
instruments including food for education and investment in education (Jafarey and
Lahiri, 2005) and, of course, trade sanctions (Jafarey and Lahiri, 2002). No single
approach has managed to provide a tangible solution to the problem.
Recent research has extended the stylized gamut of explanations and policy recom-
mendations in innovative directions. Taking as a starting point the view that child
labor is a result of excess labor supply and subsistence constraints (Basu and Van,
1998), Epstein and Kahana (2008) show that reducing the amount of labor available
* Gang: Economics Department, Rutgers University, 75 Hamilton Street, New Brunswick, NJ 08901-1248,
USA. Tel: +1-848-932-8648; Fax: +1-732-932-7416; E-mail: gang@economics.rutgers.edu.Also affiliated to
IZA, Bonn, CReAM, London and IOS, Regensburg. Dimova: Institute of Development Policy and Man-
agement, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK. Also affiliated to IZA, Bonn, Germany. Epstein: Bar
Ilan University, Ramat Gan, Israel. Also affiliated to IZA, Bonn, Germany and CReAM, London, UK.
Review of Development Economics, 19(3), 735–747, 2015
DOI:10.1111/rode.12156
© 2015 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

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