Measuring Poverty: Advances to the Supplemental Poverty Measure

Published date01 January 2024
DOIhttp://doi.org/10.1177/00027162241288362
AuthorDavid S. Johnson,Helen levy,Jordan matsudaira,Barbara L. Wolfe,James P. Ziliak
Date01 January 2024
Subject MatterPoverty and Antipoverty Programs
20 ANNALS, AAPSS, 711, January 2024
DOI: 10.1177/00027162241288362
Measuring
Poverty:
Advances to the
Supplemental
Poverty
Measure
By
DAVID S. JOHNSON,
HELEN LEVY,
JORDAN MATSUDAIRA,
BARBARA L. WOLFE,
and
JAMES P. ZILIAK
1288362ANN THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMYMEASURING POVERTY
research-article2024
Measuring poverty is a complex undertaking. It requires
extensive research, expert judgment of how to define
resources and needs, and a data infrastructure that
enables accurate measurement. In this article, we
briefly summarize the evolution of poverty measure-
ment in the U.S. and discuss the recommended changes
to the Supplemental Poverty Measure that were
recently proposed by an expert panel of the National
Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine
(NASEM). We emphasize how the costs of medical
care, child care, and housing can be better accounted
for in the measurement of poverty, and the need to
incorporate administrative data records with survey
data.
Keywords: Principal Poverty Measure; medical care;
child care; housing; administrative data
At the dawn of the War on Poverty 60 years
ago, among the first tasks facing policymak-
ers were defining poverty and measuring its
scale and composition. The task of counting the
Correspondence: jziliak@uky.edu
David S. Johnson is a senior program officer at the
Committee on National Statistics in the National
Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine
(NASEM) and an adjunct faculty at Georgetown
University’s McCourt School of Public Policy.
Helen Levy is a research professor at the University of
Michigan’s Ford School of Public Policy, School of
Public Health, and Institute for Social Research.
Jordan Matsudaira is a professor at the School of Public
Affairs at American University.
Barbara L. Wolfe is Richard A. Easterlin Emerita
Professor of Economics and Public Affairs at the
University of Wisconsin–Madison, where she is a for-
mer director of the Institute for Research on Poverty
and of the La Follette School of Public Affairs. She is a
member of the National Academy of Medicine.
James P. Ziliak is Gatton Endowed Chair of
Microeconomics in the department of economics at the
University of Kentucky, where he is also founding
director of the Center for Poverty Research.
MEASURING POVERTY 21
number of poor people fell to the Social Security Administration and, in particu-
lar, to a statistician named Mollie Orshansky, who proposed a measure of poverty
that compared a family’s before-tax cash income to a poverty line or basic-needs
budget. In particular, her proposal defined the poverty line as three times the
minimally necessary food budget (Orshansky 1963). By the end of the decade, a
variant of the Orshansky measure was adopted as the nation’s Official Poverty
Measure (OPM) and subsequently has been used extensively by social scientists
and policymakers to monitor the well-being of the poor and to evaluate the effec-
tiveness of programs in alleviating poverty. Today, this same OPM, updated only
for inflation, is used not only to track the economic status of low-income families
over time but also to determine, in whole or in part, funding amounts and/or
eligibility for scores of transfer programs costing hundreds of billions of dollars
annually.
The composition of the social safety net has substantially changed since the
1960s, and the inflation-adjusted safety net spending on families has grown dra-
matically. So, the importance of accurate poverty measurement has, if anything,
increased since the invention of the OPM. The OPM considers only cash, so it
misses the explosion of spending on in-kind transfers, such as health insurance
from Medicaid and Medicare and food assistance from the Supplemental
Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP). Since it is calculated before taxes, it also
misses the emergence of social assistance administered through the tax code via
refundable credits, such as the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) and Child Tax
Credit (CTC). In addition, while the poverty line is adjusted annually for changes
in the cost of living, the basis of the scale factor of three to inflate food budgets
hinges on a 70-year-old survey that was conducted at a time when Americans
spent much more of their budget on food.
It was with these considerations in mind that, in 2011, the U.S. Census Bureau
began to produce and disseminate an alternative measure of poverty known as
the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM). The SPM differs from the OPM in
how both resources and basic needs are measured. These changes grew out of a
report from a 1995 National Research Council (NRC) panel (NRC 1995) that
recommended expanding the definition of needs to include clothing, shelter, and
utilities in addition to food, as well as adopting a new method for calculating the
threshold as a function of the actual spending patterns in the past year.1 On the
resource side, the panel recommended using a post–tax-and-transfer measure of
resources, as well as subtracting from resources certain out-of-pocket expendi-
tures that were deemed nondiscretionary, including spending on medical care
and child care. As depicted in Figure 1, in most years, the poverty rate under the
SPM has exceeded the OPM rate, with the notable exception of 2020 and 2021,
when extraordinary outlays were made in response to the COVID-19 pandemic.
These outlays, many of which flowed through the U.S. Treasury via the tax sys-
tem, were captured by the SPM but not the OPM. Not only does the rate change,
but the composition of who is living in poverty changes as well (see Bahk, Moffitt,
and Smeeding, this volume). This divergence underscores the importance of
measurement for a proper understanding of the impact of government policy.

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